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A Factual Analysis of the Relationship of 

Nazi-Fascism and Roman Catholicism 




Second, enlarged edition.. April, 1944 
Third printing, March, 1945 



Jesuits, Jews AND Freemasons 3 


The Jesuits and the Protocols of Zion 10 


The Strange Case of Leo Taxil 16 


The Re-Establishment of the Holy Roman Empire 20 


Hitler and the Catholic Church 26 


The Catholic Church and the Corporative State 31 


The Greatest Trojan Horse of Them All 36 


Nazi Socialism and Catholic Restoration 43 


Hitler's Fight Against the Churches 50 


National Socialism and Catholic Action 56 


Rexism and Catholic Action 60 

Pro-Germanism of Pius XII 65 


A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 75 




IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to understand fully what has been taking 
place in the world for the past twenty-five years unless we are 

able to grasp the underlying significance of what appears on 
the surface. It is necessary to penetrate behind the scenes of day-to- 
day happenings and examine thoroughly the active forces and 
planned objectives which are responsible for all that has come to 
pass so quickly in the past few years. 

The 19th century left us deplorably weak in true knowledge of 
the history of State-Church conflicts. The facts of human develop- 
ment since the Reformation have become so inextricably tangled, 
that we have ceased to try to unravel them. We content ourselves 
in America with a mere superficial knowledge of events, and the 
conclusions arrived at, far from helping us to get at the real truth, 
only drive us farther away from an understanding of the real 
meaning of these events. Too much emphasis has been placed 
upon the mere economic aspect of the world-situation. The 
ideological and theoretical origins of Nazi-Fascism, as a conse- 
quence, have been almost entirely overlooked. Research is necessary 
to show where social, political and religious conflicts cross one 
another. There is abundance of incontestable proof that the forces 
of religion, as represented by the Catholic Church, have succeeded 
in dominating the political and social field, and that there exists a 
close bond between them and the origins, methods and objectives 
of the whole Nazi-Fascist movement in Europe. Furthermore, this 
domination has already spread to America. History proves that in 
every attempt made during the past half century against the liberal 
progress of mankind, the Jesuit Order, as the leader of Catholic 
action, has played a decisive role. We can go even so far as to state 
that Nazi-Fascism had its origin in the Society of Jesus, and that, 
like other movements in the past analogous to Fascism today, it 
was planned to serve the traditional aims of the disciples of Igna- 
tius Loyola. 

4 Behind the Dictators 

As long as this reverse side of the conspiracy against democratic 
liberahsm goes undetected. Fascism will survive. The defenders of 
democratic ideology will not be victorious until they come out 
openly against their real enemy — the Knights of the Black Crusade. 

The Jesuits were once irrevocably expelled from the nations of 
Europe, and from the Catholic Church itself, by Pope Clement XIV 
in 1773, and the only refuge they could find during their forty 
years of banishment was with the impious Catherine of Russia. 
Sworn to obey and defend the pope in all matters, they were hard 
put to it (even as Jesuits) to find a way out of the dilemma of 
being proteges of a monarch who thumbed her nose at the pope — 
in order to protect them from his wrath. Not to be outdone, the 
Jesuits politely and diplomatically protested to Catherine for thus 
disobeying the pope. And having thereby satisfied the requirements 
of their oath, they proceeded with a clear conscience to accept her 
hospitality. The truth of the matter is, that the Jesuits are not so 
much sworn to protect any individual pope as such, but rather the 
institution of the Papacy. By this Jesuitical distinction they hold 
themselves free to resist any pope who fails to follow their dic- 
tates; nor would they lament if such a pope were "providentially" 
speeded on his way to heaven. It is they, in fact, who comprise the 
Papacy. Their unalterable aim is to restore the nations of the world 
to the control of the Catholic Church. 

As recently as 1886, the public press spoke frankly and fearlessly 
about the menacing tactics of the Jesuits to secure this world- 
control by the Papacy. The New York Tribune, of Sept. 19; of that 
year, in a dispatch from Rome reporting the serious illness of Pope 
Leo XIII and his subsequent rapid recovery, states that the London 
Times referred editorially to the report that Pope Leo's close 
approach to death "was due to poison administered by the Jesuits." 
It relates that, after his sudden recovery, the pope established a new 
policy in the Church towards the Jesuits, "and that this new line 
of policy is the price at which he was able to procure the antidote 
which they alone could supply." The Tribune report goes on to say: 

"Within three days of the recovery from his illness, the pope issued 
a Bull re-establishing all the privileges, immunities, exceptions and 
indulgences formerly accorded to the 'Society of Jesuits', and declaring 
null and void all documents which his predecessors have ever written 

Jesuits, Jews and Freemasons 5 

against the order. The fact that Leo XIII restored the order to what it 
was in the days of its supreme power is more than enough to paralyze 
all hopes of a peaceful determination of the conflict between the Vatican 
and the Quirinal; for the Jesuits constitute the belligerent element of 
Catholicism, and are thoroughly 'intransigent' on the subject of the tem- 
poral power of the world escaping from the control of the church . . ." 

Far be it from us to doubt the sincerity of the Jesuits and their 
followers in believing that the control of the world by the Catholic 
Church is the only solution for the ills of mankind. They are wel- 
come to their conviction, and are free in the United States to propa- 
gate their teaching and carry out their activities towards that end. 
The traditional manner in which they carry out their designs, how- 
ever, should be disturbing to all who strive to sustain the demo- 
cratic ideology and the principles of freedom and tolerance cher- 
ished so highly in this country. 

In order to obtain their objective, they spend all their energies 
(as Nazi-Fascism does) against the two forces they consider in- 
imical to their cause — Judaism and Freemasonry. From its first 
founding, the Jesuit Order has battled, by every means, against 
these two, because they are the chief advocates of tolerance and 
freedom for all. By the ruthless elimination of Jews and Free- 
masons in so many countries of Europe, Nazi-Fascism has merely 
effected what the Jesuits have schemed and worked for during 
many centuries. 

In France, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Spain, Belgium and 
Italy, the Jesuits, for many years before Mussolini and Hitler, led 
the fight against the Jews and Freemasons. In each of these coun- 
tries it was a Catholic priest (prototypes of Father Coughlin) who 
was the spearhead of Fascist attacks on both Judaism and Free- 
masonry. In France it was the Jesuit Father Du Lac, with his Ligue 
Nationale Anti-semitique de France; in Germany the Jesuit Fathers 
Overmanns, Muckermann, Loffler and Pachtler; in Hungary it was 
Father Adalbert Bangha, and Father Bresciana in Italy — all of 
these worked under the banner of Positive Christianity and Chris- 
tian Front to fight Judaism and Freemasonry, in order to get the 
millions of unsuspecting non-Catholics to serve their ends. They 
all proclaimed a crusade for "The Christian Reformation of States 

Behind the Dictators 

and of the World." Father Overmanns' states that "the rock of 
positive moral Christian law"^ is the best foundation for the crea- 
tion of organizations capable of reuniting the members of all 
Christian religions. 

Father Hugger, S. J., shortly after the establishment of the Ger- 
man Republic, wrote (in Stimmen der Zeit, June, 1919, p. 171): 

"We are facing a ruinous state of affairs. Once again the work of 
restoration will have to be accomplished by youth. Will the Congrega- 
tions of Mary not go forth for the third time as the instrument of recon- 
struction chosen by Divine Providence?" 

Hitler^ also identified his National Socialist Party with "Positive 
Christianity." In his Mein Kampf he states that he imbibed his 
anti-Semitism and his hatred of Masonry from the Catholic Chris- 
tian Social Party of Lueger, then Mayor of Vienna, when he went 
there as a young man. "By combatting the Jews," he says, "I am 
helping the work of the Lord." 

This "Christian Reform of States" — which is also the subject of 
the late Pope's famous encyclical Quadragesimo Anno — is nothing 
else but the establishment of the Fascist, Corporative State, in 
which neither Jews nor Freemasons will have any part. Needless to 
say, it is also anti- Protestant. 

The Jesuit Fathers Pachder and Muckermann proclaimed the 
Fascist doctrines of Nazism before Hitler was heard of. Father 
Muckermann wrote prolifically in favor of racial eugenics and 
sterilization, and continued to do so even in spite of the condemna- 

P. Loffler, S. J., Zur Jubelfeier der Marianischen Kongregationen Frei- 
burg, pp. 21, 47: G. M. Pachtler, S. J., Der Stille Krieg gegen Thron und 
Altar. (The Silent War against Throne and Altar). 1876; P. Bresciani, S. J., 
The Jew of Verona and The Roman Republic, published in the Jesuit 
magazine Civilta Cattolica. Rome. 

In Stimmen der Zeit (Jesuit magazine), Feb. 1918, p. I82etseq. 

' For the Jesuits, "Christian" is synonymous with "Roman Catholic". 

^ Cf. Art. 24 of "The National Socialist Party Program": "Die Partei als 
solche tertritt den Standpunkt eines positiven Christentums." 

^P. 70, 1931, German ed. 
Cf. Muckermann, Hermann, S. J.: Volkstum, Staat nnd Nation — eugen- 
isch gesehen ("The People, State and Nation — from the Eugenic view- 
point") ; also his Rassenforschung und Volk Zukunft, Berlin, 1932, in which 
he expresses the desire that the doctrine of race will penetrate the national 
consciousness as a religion (p. 81). 

Jesuits, Jews AND Freemasons 7 

tion of sterilization in the encyclical Casti Connubii of Pope Pius 
XI in 1929. 

Jules Michelet, the great French historian, in his Histoire de 
France, and the German historian Wilhelm Herzog,^ stress the 
fact that those who directed the anti-Semitism at the time of the 
Dreyfus Affair depended upon the instructions and, above all, 
upon the financial support of the Jesuits. The Croix de Feu and the 
Parti Francais in France, and the Catholic Rexist Party in Belgium 
also had the support of the Jesuits. The Libre Parole, anti-Semitic 
daily newspaper, was founded by Jesuit money and its treasury was 
constantly replenished by them. The anti-Semitic leaders of the 
Dreyfus Affair, which was a plot against the French Republic, were 
products of Jesuit schools or had Jesuit confessors. In France, as 
elsewhere, anti-Semitism and anti-Masonic campaigns took the 
form of "integrated Nationalism/' They called for expulsion of 
Jews and Freemasons, the overthrow of the French Republic, and 
the setting up of a "Nationalist State." Henlein's Party in Czecho- 
slovakia, likewise, preached the doctrines of Othmar Spann, the 
theoretician of the Corporative State and a protege of the Jesuits. 
One of the first acts of Father (now Monsignor) Josef Tiso, when 
he became Nazi premier of Slovakia, was the destruction of all 
Masonic lodges. 

In his Mem Kampf Hitler repeats these principles of the Jesuits 
against Judaism and Freemasonry like a well-trained parrot. All 
that he says against the Jews and the revolution in Germany after 
the war, about Zionism, Jewish exploitation of indecency and 
obscenity in literature, movies, theater and the press, their part in 
the organization of vice, prostitution and white slavery, was bor- 
rowed almost word for word from the official writings of the 
Jesuits. Everything he says, likewise, against the Freemasons — 
their fight for religious tolerance, their efforts to break down racial 
and religious barriers, as well as their alleged disloyalty to Ger- 
many during the world war — is in agreement with both the teach- 
ing of the Jesuits and of the popes in their encyclicals against 

Der Kampf einer Republik — die Affare Dreyfus, p. 34, et passim. 
Cf. Herzog, opus cit., pp. 27, 52. 
Idem, pp. 26, 36. 

Behind the Dictators 

Masonry. The Jesuit Father Bea, shortly after the revolution in 
Germany, wrote: 

"The part played by many Jews at the time of the revolution . . . the 
Zionist movement ... all this should be a lesson to those who take their 
religion and their country seriously to put themselves resolutely on the 
defensive. The increase of anti-Semitic literature and anti-Semitic 
organizations is evidence that the people are ready for the fight against 

As far back as 1911 Father Overmanns, writing in Stimmen aus 
Maria Laach, states: 

"It is impossible to deny the harmful influence of the Jews "on the 
ideal which we desire in our literature. . . . The Jews make use of the 
great scope of their influence to spread corrupt and obscene principles 
and thus cause immense damage to the spiritual life . . . Everyone can 
see that they create many literary works which are inspired by vile and 
worldly ideas . . . the hooks of these writers are filled with the base 
pleasures of life, a vile sensuality and pure naturalism. The commercial 
sense of the Jews is not offended by the worst obscenities, white slavery, 
prostitution and immorality of all kinds ..." 

The popes before Hitler proclaimed all this in even more brutal 
terms. Pope Pius VII, who restored the Jesuits to the Catholic 
Church and the nations of Europe after the downfall of Napoleon 
in 1814, issued a Bull in 1821 against the Freemasons. He calls 
Freemasonry "a cancer and a deadly disease of society." And the 
reason he gives is because Masonic Lodges uphold the idea of 
religious tolerance: "... they receive into their order all classes 
and all nationalities, and favor all kinds of moral codes and all 
forms of worship." 

The culminating point in the Vatican's fight against Jews and 
Freemasons is to be found in the encyclicals of Popes Pius IX-and 
Leo XIII. Pius IX styles Masonic Lodges "Synagogues of Satan," 
and accuses them of having fomented wars and revolutions which 
put Europe to the fire and the sword. Pope Leo XIII, in his ency- 
clical Humanum Genus (1884), calls Freemasonry "a work of the 
devil," and "an impure epidemic." He accuses Freemasonry of 
aiming to destroy the churches, the state, and the public well-being. 

In Stimmen der Zeit, (Jesuit magazine), 1921, p. 172. 

Jesuits, Jews and Freemasons 

He states that among the chief reasons why Freemasons, and 

democracy, must be condemned are the following: 

"They teach that all men have the same rights, and are perfectly 
equal in condition; that every man is naturally free; that no one has 
a right to command others; that it is tyranny to keep men subject to 
any other authority than that which emanates from themselves. Hence 
they hold that the people are sovereign, that those who rule have no 
authority but by the commission and concession of the people, so that 
they can be deposed, willing or unwilling, according to the wishes of 
the people. Thus the origin of all rights and civil duties is in the 
people or in the State, which is ruled according to the new principles 
of liberty. They hold that the State must not be united to religion, 
that there is no reason why one religion ought to be preferred to an- 
other, and that all must be held in the same esteem." 

He ends his encyclical by inviting all the Catholic clergy as well 
as the whole lay world to exterminate the Freemasons without 

All this was the plan of Mussolini and Hitler as expressed and 
put into practice by Nazi-Fascism. Circumstances have permitted it 
to go farther than the popes and to carry its principles by propa- 
ganda, invasion and war, into the whole world. In undermining 
the position that Jews and Freemasonry acquired since the French 
Revolution, it threatens to destroy the entire work of political and 
religious freedom initiated by the Protestant Reformation. It thus 
serves the aims of the Roman Church and the Society of Jesus, 
founded chiefly for the work of Counter-Reformation. For both 
Roman Catholicism and Nazi-Fascism regard the ideas that 
came out of the Reformation and the French Revolution as the 
chief source of the evils of our time — evils which they trace for 
their origins to Rousseau, Calvin, Luther, John Huss and Wycliffe 
— to Paris, Geneva, Wittenberg, Prague and London. 

All of this again is to be found in the "Protocols of the Elders 
of Zion." An examination of this matter in the next chapter will 
show conclusively that this infamous forgery is the work of none 
other than the disciples of Ignatius Loyola. 

Father Coughlin's magazine, Social Justice, Oct.-Xov. 1939, reiterated 
all this in a series of three articles entitled Freemasonry in the Scheme of 
Satan. They repeat the papal assertions that Freemasonry is allied with the 
Jews and Communists, and end by calling it, in the words of Pope Pius IX, 
"The Synagogue of Satan." 

10 Behind the Dictators 



IT IS ADMITTED by all intelligent people that the so-called 
"Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion" are criminal forgeries, 
and could never have been written either by a group of Jews 
or Ereemasons. Yet their authorship remains unknown. The amaz- 
ing part of it is that this fantastic fraud has succeeded in its planned 
objective — the ousting of all Judaic-Masonic influence in Central 
Europe by methods that would bring a blush to the cheek of a 

The contents of these alleged Protocols are well enough known, 
and have been broadcast by Nazi-Eascist (and Roman Catholic) 
agents in every country as verbatim reports — proces verbaux — of 
secret conferences at which certain Jewish leaders drew up plans 
for the formation of an invisible world -government. With the help 
of Masonic Lodges and the liberal, democratic, socialist and com- 
munist parties, these "Elders of Zion" are said to have conspired 
for the overthrow of all non-Jewish governments and to destroy 
all religions other than Judaism. Every despicable means to weaken 
Christian institutions is set forth by the imaginary leaders of this 
vast conspiracy. 

All this is to be accomplished principally by means of the 
Masonic orders throughout the world, as the blind dupes and will- 
ing tools of this alleged super- imperial ism of the Jews. Credit is 
claimed for the Jews in having instigated practically all revolu- 
tionary movements of the past century, assassination of rulers and 
heads of states, all the wars, civil, racial and international, and all 
the upheavals in and throughout the nations — from the Protestant 
Reformation to the economic conditions that resulted in our busi- 
ness depression. Behind it all there is pictured the cold calculation, 
the unscrupulous cunning and murderous fanaticism of these 
"Elders of Zion." Protocol One tells of a vast army of spies and 
secret agents, well supplied with funds, who bore from within and 
create dissension and revolution in all countries. Support of an- 
archist, communist and socialist movements for the destruction of 
Christian civilization is outlined in Protocol Three; also the debase- 

The Jesuits and the Protocols of Zion 11 

ment and ruin of the currency system, leading to a world-wide 
economic crisis. Universal war against any nation or group of 
nations which fails to respond, is planned in Protocol Seven. Pro- 
tocol Ten contains particulars how all morality is to be undermined 
and leading statesmen blackmailed, compromised and calumniated 
in order to force them to serve the ends of the conspirators. 

The secret conclave, at which these monstrous plans were pur- 
ported to have been drawn up, is said to have been held under 
the auspices of "one of the most influential and most highly initi- 
ated leaders of Freemasonry"; they are also said to have been 
"signed by representatives of Zion of the Thirty-Third Degree." 

No group or organization could ever be as evil and satanic as 
these Judaic-Masonic "Elders of Zion" picture themselves to be. 
They are the apotheosis of the anti-Christ, and could have been 
conjured up only by theological minds imbued with the fearful 
expectation of the eventual coming of an anti-Christ. 

It must be admitted that there, is a certain similarity between 
this revolutionary plan of action and the Bolshevist program that 
followed the assassination of the Czar of Russia and the overthrow 
of the Kerensky regime. But of the seventeen members of the 
Council of People's Commissars of the Soviet government at that 
time, only one, Trotsky, was a Jew. Neither have the Masons ever 
been the least bit influential in Russia, either under the Czar or 
the Soviets. A world-wide economic depression also has since 
happened, somewhat similar to that allegedly planned by these 
elders of Zion. By no means, however, have the Jews and Masons 
ever so completely controlled the world's finances. They suffered 
as much as others as a result of the economic debacle in 1929. 

The Nazi-Fascists, who have successfully exploited these Pro- 
tocols to their great advantage, and who have used these criminal 
forgeries to attain their primary objective, might well be accused of 
their authorship. But their publication antedated the rise of Fas- 
cism by a quarter of a century, when Hitler and Mussolini were 
youngsters learning their multiplication tables in school, and 
Franco babbling his "Hail Marys" at his mother's knee. 

Now, authorship of an anonymous document is best discovered 
from the document itself — by the cause it favors and by the enemies 

12 Behind the Dictators 

it depicts. Tliese will appear even if placed in reverse. A clear 
sample of this can be seen from such an analysis of a part of these 
Protocols of Zion which I have before me. It is a reprint from The 
Catholic Gazette, of February, 1936, a monthly publication of the 
Catholic Missionary Society of London, England. Space limits per- 
mit the quotation of only parts of this nefarious document. 
The Judaic-Masonic conspirators are speaking: 

"As long as there remains among the Gentiles any moral conception 
of the social order, and until all faith, patriotism, and dignity are up- 
rooted, our reign over the world shall not come. . . . 

"We have still a long way to go before we can overthrow our main 
opponent, the Catholic Church. . . . 

"We must always bear in mind that the Catholic Church is the only 
institution which has stood, and which will as long as it remains in 
existence, stand in our way. The Catholic Church, with her methodical 
work and her edifying and moral teachings, will always keep her children 
in such a state of mind as to make them too self-respecting to yield to 
our domination, and to bow before our future king of Israel. . . . 

"That is why we have been striving to discover the best way of 
shaking the Catholic Church to her very foundations. . . . 

"We have blackened the Catholic Church with the most ignominious 
calmunies; we have stained her history and disgraced even her noblest 
activities. We have imputed to her the wrongs of her enemies, and have 
thus brought these latter to stand more closely by our side. . . . We 
have turned her Clergy into objects of hatred and ridicule, we have 
subjected them to the contempt of the crowd. . . . We have caused the 
practice of the Catholic Religion to be considered out of date and a 
mere waste of time. . . . 

"One of the many triumphs of our Freemasonry is that those Gentiles 
who become members of our Lodges, should never suspect that we are 
using them to build their own jails, upon whose terraces we shall erect 
the throne of our Universal King of Israel. . . . 

"So far, we have considered our strategy in our attacks upon the 
. Catholic Church from the outside. . . . Let us now explain how we have 
gone further in our work, to hasten the ruin of the Catholic Church . . . 
and how we have brought even some of her Clergy to become pioneers 
of our cause. 

"We have induced some of our children to join the Catholic body, with 
the explicit intimation that they should work in a still more efficient 
way for the disintegration of the Catholic Church. . . . 

"We are the Fathers of all Revolutions — even of those which some- 
times happen to turn against us. We are the supreme Masters of Peace 
and Wai". We can boast of being the Creators of the REFORMATION! 
(sic). Calvin was one of our Children; he was of Jewish descent, and 
was entrusted by Jewish authority and encouraged with Jewish finance 
to draft his scheme in the Reformation. 

The Jesuits and the Protocols of Zion 13 

"Martin Luther yielded to the influence of his Jewish friends, and 
again, by Jewish authority and with Jewish finance, his plot against 
the Catholic Church met with success. . . . 

"Thanks to our propaganda, to our theories of LIBERALISM and to 
our MISREPRESENTATIONS OF FREEDOM (sic), the minds of many 
among the Gentiles were ready to welcome the Reformation. They 
separated from the Church to fall into our snare. And thus the Catholic 
Church has been sensibly weakened, and her authority over the Kings 
of the Gentiles has been reduced almost to naught. . . . 

"We are grateful to PROTESTANTS for their loyalty to our wishes — 
although most of them are, in the sincerity of their faith, unaware of 
their loyalty to us. . . . 

"France, with her Masonic government, is under our thumb. Eng- 
land, in her dependence upon our finance, is under our heel; and in her 
Protestantism is our hope for the destruction of the Catholic Church. 
Spain and Mexico are but toys in our hands. And many other countries, 
including the U.S.A., have already fallen before our scheming. . . . 

"Likewise, as regards our diplomatic plans and the power of our 
secret societies, there is no organization to equal us. The Jesuits are 
the only ones to compare with us. But we have succeeded in discrediting 
them, ... for they are a visible organization, whereas we are safely 
hidden under cover of our secret societies. 

"But the Catholic Church is still alive. ..." 

"We must destroy her without the least delay and without the 
slightest mercy. . . . Let us intensify our activities, in poisoning the 
morality of the Gentiles. Let us spread the spirit of revolution in the 
minds of the people. They must be made to despise Patriotism and the 
love of family, to consider their faith as a humbug. . . . Let us make it 
impossible for Christians outside the Catholic Church to be reunited to 
that Church, otherwise the greatest obstruction to oar domination will 
be strengthened and all our work undone. . . . 

"Let us remember that as long as there still remain active enemies 
of the Catholic Church, we may hope to, become Masters of the World. 
. . . And let us remember always that the future Jewish King will never 
reign in the world before the Pope in Rome is dethroned. . . . 

"When the time comes and the power of the Pope shall at last be 
broken, the fingers of an invisible hand will call the attention of the 
masses of the people to the court of the Sovereign Pontiff to let them 
know that we have completely undermined the power of the Papacy. . . 
The King of the Jews will then be the real Pope and the Father of the 
Jewish World-Church." 

When all this is placed in reverse, the following appears: 

The Catholic Church is the only upholder of morality, the social order, 
faith, patriotism and dignity. . . . 

The Catholic Church is the only institution which has stood, and 
which will always stand, in the way of anti-Christ. 

14 Behind the Dictators 

The Catholic Church is the great examplar of methodical work, edify- 
ing and moral teachings; she always keeps her children self-respecting, 
and will never bow to satanic allurements. 

Only when Catholics become ashamed of professing the precepts of the 
Church and obeying its commands, shall we have the spread of revolt 
and false liberalism. 

The Catholic Church has been blackened by the most ignominious 
calumnies, her history has been stained, and her noblest activities dis- 
graced. The practices of the Catholic Church are not out of date or a 
mere waste of time. 

Freemasonry is allied with Satan against the Catholic Church. Not all 
priests are to be trusted; liberal Catholic priests only serve the work 
of the devil. 

The Reformation was the work of evil conspirators, Calvin and Luther 
were financed by them to overthrow the Catholic Church. 

Freedom and liberty are mere representations of good. Protestants 
have unwittingly helped to bring all the evils into our present world. 
Protestant England aims to destroy the Catholic Church. All that may 
happen in Spain and Mexico is a part of a plot against the Catholic 

The Jesuits are not an underhand organization, but all they do is 
open and above board. The Jesuits are the only organization, however, 
who can defeat the force of evil in the world. 

FINALLY: As long as the Pope remains on his throne in Rome the 
world is safe. . . . 

This is exactly what is taught in all Catholic schools. Every re- 
treat and mission given to priests and lay people begins with St. 
Ignatius' picture of "The Two Camps" — the Catholic Church led 
by God on one hill, and a combination of Protestants, Jews, 
Masons, communists, socialists and atheists on the other led by 

And all of this is to be found again in Father Coughlin's Social 
Justice magazine. In its issue of February 5, 1940, for instance, he 
reiterates that the Catholic Church is "the ideal Christian Front" 
and proclaims that all those opposed to, or not with, it belong to 
anti-Christian groups which will soon "appear incarnated in the 
person of Anti-Christ himself." He says that "lay Christian leader- 
ship of social matters is to be condemned." In the same issue a 
special correspondent of his magazine in Rome writes an article 
that the "Only Hope of Christian Europe Lies in Rome," and that 
Europe can be saved only by the resoration of the Holy Roman 
Empire; that England, "who more than any other country now 

The Jesuits and the Protocols of Zion 15 

represents the neo-Judaic, anti-Catholic spirit," will be destroyed by 
Germany and Italy. In another part of this issue, liberal Catholic 
priests, like Msgr. John A. Ryan, are called "Hireling Clergy" paid 
by left-wing revolutionary groups. Towards the end is a trick ques- 
tionnaire which implies twenty answers aimed to secure a poll 
from its readers which will be condemnatory of democracy. 

Although first published in Russia in 1903, the Protocols of Zion 
had their origin in France and date from the Dreyfus Affair, of 
which the Jesuits were the chief instigators. They were planned 
also first to take effect in France, by the overthrow of the "Judaic- 
Masonic" government of the French Republic. But the discovery of 
the gigantic fraud of Leo Taxil, who had been openly supported 
by the Jesuits, the concluding of the Franco-Russian alliance, along 
with the Vatican's difficulties with the French government at that 
time, made it more opportune to have them appear first in Russia. 

These Protocols of supposedly Jewish leaders are not the first 
documents of their kind fabricated by the Jesuits. 

For over a hundred years before these Protocols appeared, the 
Jesuits had continued to make use of a similar fraud called The 
Secrets of the Elders of Bourg -Fontaine against Jansenism — an 
anti-Jesuit French Catholic movement among the secular clergy. 
The analogy between the two forgeries is perfect — the secret 
assemblage in the forest of Bourg -Fontaine; the plan of the "con- 
spirators" to destroy the Papacy and establish religious tolerance 
among all nations; the alleged plot against Throne and Altar, and 
the setting up of a world-government in opposition to the Catholic 
Church. There is the same dramatization of the negative pole of 
the historic evolution of the world, in order to bring out, by con- 
trast, the positive Christian [Catholic] pole, around which all 
conservative forces — the monarchy, the aristocracy, the army, the 
clergy — must gather to save the world from Satan's onslaught. 

Analyzing, therefore, the ends to be attained by these Protocols 
of Zion, the means to be employed, the forces depicted as evil and 
those to be considered good, we must reach the conclusion that 
only to those whose objectives these forgeries were clearly intended 
to serve, can their authorship be attributed. 

16 Behind the Dictators 



THE PRIME MOTIVATION of Catholic Action is its escato- 
logical complex that the Vatican, as God's designated cham- 
pion, must do open battle with the forces of Satan before 
the world ends. Present world trends have convinced Catholic 
leaders that the time for that Armageddon is fast approaching. 
In their minds there is not the slightest doubt but that ultimate 
and complete victory will be theirs. Neither have they any doubt as 
to who comprise these forces of Satan. They now name commun- 
ism as the generic term for the objective at which the various forces 
aim who are on Satan's side against the Catholic Church. And since 
they hold that all who are not 100 per cent with the Catholic 
Church are against it, liberals of all kinds are placed under the 
banner of communism. Leadership of these combined forces of 
evil is accredited to world Jewry and Ereemasonry. 

"The Protocols of Zion," preceded by the like forgery of "The 
Secrets of the Elders of Bourg Fontaine," have spread this belief 
among Catholics everywhere. Obvious forgeries though they are 
admitted to be, it is safe to say that nothing contributed more to 
the rapid victories of Eascism over the forces of liberty and toler- 
ance than these alleged Protocols of the Elders of Zion. As has 
been pointed out, they insidiously picture world Jewry and Free- 
masonry as conspiring to establish the reign of Satan on earth and, 
by contrast, the Catholic Church as the sole bulwark and only cer- 
tain triumphant force against it. As employed by Nazi-Fascism in 
the past ten years, this fantastic but clever fraud has already suc- 
ceeded in discrediting democratic institutions of government, even 
in the United States, and in glorifying the authoritarian rule of 
force and brutality. 

No one can deny the chief role which the Catholic Church has 
played in these events and all that has led up to them during the 
past half century. Pope Pius IX' calls Freemasonry ". . . the Syna- 

Cf. Brief of Nov. 1865. These and other quotations have been published 
time and again in Father Coughlin's Social Justice magazine, and in other 
printed and mimeographed brochures sent out from his Shrine at Royal 
Oak, Mich. One of these is called The Malist — For the Honest and Honor- 
able, published at Meriden, Conn. 

The Strange Case OF Leo Taxil 17 

gogue of Satan ... whose object is to blot out the Church of Christ, 
were it possible, from the face of the earth." Pius X says: 

"So extreme is the general perversion that there is room to fear that 
we are experiencing the foretaste and beginnings of the evils which are 
to come at the end of time, and that the Son of Perdition, of whom the 
Apostle speaks, has already arrived upon the earth." 

As has been shown in a previous chapter, the popes of Rome 
condemn Masonry as in alliance with Judaism chiefly because it 
teaches tolerance of all religions and works for the establishment 
of popular government, secular education and international broth- 
erhood. There is nothing too fantastic that the popes and Catholic 
authorities have not believed and propagated against Judaic- 
Masonic aims and activities. The most astounding and outrageous 
were the alleged revelations of the arch-imposter Leo Taxil towards 
the end of the last century. So successful was his deception of the 
pope himself and the whole Catholic world, that Father Herbert 
Thurston, S. J., is forced to deplore the fact that examples of "ex- 
cessive credulity have been too lamentably brought home to our 
generation by the outrageous impostures of Leo Taxil." 

Taxil's real name was Jogand Pages, and he is described by 
Father Thurston (loc. cit.) as "the most blasphemous and obscene 
of anti-clerical writers in France." He was once jailed for having 
published a book entitled Les Amours de Pie IX ("The Love 
Affairs of Pope Pius IX"). That was all before his conversion to 
the Catholic Church. It was then that he began to make alleged 
revelations about the Freemasons, and published a large number 
of books about them, each more astounding than the other. 

Sensing the Catholic Church's demon complex, Taxil played 
this up with consummate art. In his many novels, which were 
published by the Catholic press all over the world, Taxil stressed 
the cult of Demonism, or what he called Satanisme. He pictured 
the Freemasons as practising this worship of the devil, and accused 
them of assassinations, sexual orgies and white slavery. He re- 
counted that the Freemasons tried to get women into their power 

Cf. Supremo Apostolatus, 1903. 
^ Cf. Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VII, pp. 701-703. 

18 Behind the Dictators 

to the point of forcing tliem to have intercourse with the devil. 
As proof that Freemasonry was secretly controlled by the Jews, he 
revealed their alleged practices of Jewish rituals. 

The Catholic clergy everywhere were especially delighted with 
Taxil's sinister novel Palladismus, the story of Diana Vaughan 
who, according to him, was the result of the union of her mother 
with a devil named Bitron. These fantastic revelations convinced 
many that the Catholic hierarchy were in direct contact with this 
daughter of the devil through the intermediary of Leo Taxil, now 
their protege. Pope Leo XIII received Taxil in private audience, 
gave him his blessing, assured him that he had read his books 
against the Freemasons with intense interest, and that his writings 
were of great benefit to the cause of the Catholic Church. I pass 
over the question many will ask as to how an infallible pope could 
be so completely deceived by one of the most outrageous imposters 
who ever lived. It was one time that the Jesuits too were outdone. 

For a long time Leo Taxil enjoyed the easy success he had ob- 
tained by playing upon the credulity of the Catholic clergy and 
laity. Then came the great denouement — planned and carried out 
by himself, as it were, for the fun of it. In order to enjoy his victory 
over the Jesuits to the very last, he called a public meeting in Paris 
on April 10, 1894, and announced, to the consternation of his 
hearers, that all his activities, his books and pamphlets, as well as 
the story of Diana Vaughan, the daughter of the devil who had 
been converted to the Catholic Church, were nothing but a huge 
joke dispassionately concocted and executed by him. He quietly 
told them that Diana Vaughan was merely the name of his typist! 

The interesting, and serious, point in the whole affair is the fact 
that it was the Jesuits who translated Taxil's novels into German. 
The Jesuit Father Gruber, whose article on Freemasonry in The 
Catholic Encyclopedia is nothing but a rehash of what Taxil says 
about it, widely publicized all his books. And they continued to 
reassert that what he had written was perfectly in accord with 
actual facts, even after they had broken with him because of his 
dramatic expose of himself. 

Cf. Hoensbroech, Der Jesuitenorden, Vol. 11, page 504. 

The Strange Case of Leo Taxil 19 

And even to this day, in the United States, the Cathohc Church 
continues to pubhsh and broadcast Taxil's frauds about Free- 
masonry and its alhance with world Jewry. The New World, 
official organ of the Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, in its issue 
of March 26, 1910, published an article entitled Freemasonry — 
The Open Door To Damnation, as defamatory and fantastic as 
anything Leo Taxil ever wrote. It was reproduced, as a sample of 
Catholic animus towards Masons and Jews, in the Souvenir 

of Life and Action during the Knights-Templar Conclave in Aug- 
ust that same year. It states that "Jews are the master spirits of the 
Masonic craft," that "Freemasonry was founded and organized by 
Jews in the vain hope of destroying Christianity," that they plot 
assassinations of prominent men, even in America, and corrupt 
the judiciary to set murderers free. Reminiscent of Pope Leo's 
condemnation of Freemasonry in his Bull Humanum Genus, is 
the following: 

"A society that admits to membership Christians, Turks, Jews, 
Chinese, and every other species of barbarian, and amalgamates them — 
or the majority of them — into an army of infidels and atheists, must be 
animated and controlled by the malevolence and malice of the evil spirit. 
. . . There is no reason to doubt that a Christ-hating Jew is the head 
of the Masonic craft at this time — and at all times." 

There is no need here to stress the fact that, when it comes to 
attacks on Judaism and Freemasonry, Leo Taxil has nothing on 
Father Coughlin. This priest and his powerful supporters among 
the Catholic clergy and laity in America are copying the methods 
of Hitler and the other dictators who have ruthlessly obliterated 
Freemasonry and Judaism from all of Central Europe. In reality 
they are not so much imitators of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco as 
the successors of the Popes, the Jesuits and the Taxils who 

the campaign half a century before Nazi-Fascism came into being. 
Its objective was, and is still, to destroy the effects of the 
tion and to re-establish the Holy Roman Empire of the German 

20 Behind the Dictators 



EUROPE'S TRAGEDY, in Catholic opinion, is due to the 
breaking up of its great papal-controlled confederation of 
states by the Protestant Reformation. All the efforts of the 
Catholic Church since have been directed to the work of counter- 
Reformation — to re-establish the political and social order of pre- 
Reformation times. That order of states was hierarchical, not dem- 
ocratic, and was ruled at the top by the dual sovereignty of Pope 
and Emperor, by the union of Church-State authority. The political 
and social order that resulted from the Reformation, both in 
Europe and America, is regarded by the Catholic Church as pagan 
and anti-Christian; they give it the name of "pseudo-democracy." 

This is to be found in all official Catholic writings and is the 
burden of all papal encyclicals. The Jesuit weekly America,' for 
instance, tells us that the evils of our present time are to be ascribed 
to this "pseudo-democracy, which is pagan in its remote origins 
and leads to an inhuman wage system, an uprooted proletariat and 
pauperism." It goes fijrther to say: "Protestant, rationalist, and 
now definitely anti-Christian in its inspiration, its logical fruit is 
Socialism," and calls for "a return to an integral social order, the 
principles of which are still preserved in our languid memory of 
the great medieval experiment." 

Few realize how intense is the hatred of official Roman Catholic 
spokesmen for the American democratic way of life. This same 
Jesuit magazine America (which advertises itself as "the most in- 
fluential Catholic magazine in the United States") published the 
following in its issue of May 17, 1941, six months before Pearl 

"How we Catholics have loathed and despised this Lucifer civiliza- 
ion, this rationalist creation of those httle men who refuse to bend 
the knee or bow the head in submission to higher authority . . . 
Today, American Catholics are being asked to shed their blood for 
that particular kind of secularist civilization which they have been 

' April 13, 1940. 

The Re -Establishment of the Holy Roman Empire 21 

herocially repudiating for four centuries. This civilization is now 
called democracy, and the suggestion is being made that we send the 
Yanks to Europe again to defend it. In reality, is it worth defending? 
What's the sum and substance of it all? All the Yanks in America 
will not save it from disintegration. Unless a miracle occurs, it is 
doomed — finally and irrevocably doomed. The New Order in Europe 
will be either a Nazi or a British totalitarianism, or a combination 
of both . . . 

"American democracy is disintegrating, crumbling from within. 
Fatigue, disillusionment, disgust, the unbearable tension in society, 
the fear of war and the fear of bankruptcy, the absence of security, 
the technological revolution which has gone far beyond the instru- 
ments of social control, deep-rooted, anarchistic hatred of a social 
order, which has too long denied the principle of social justice, the 
revolt of the masses and the levelling of all values, the absence of any 
common ethical basis — these are but a few of the multiple factors in 
the decline which is now upon us . . . 

"Leadership in this crisis will not come from the laity. It will not 
come from the bottom of the Catholic pyramid. It will come only from 
the top, from the Hierarchy. The Christian Revolution will begin 
when we decide to cut loose from the existing social order, rather 
than be buried with it." 

Whatever opinion the Catholic Church may now express about 
Hitler and his Nazi-Socialism, it stands 100 per cent with him and 
the other fascist dictators in this avowed objective of destroying the 
political and social order that came out of the Reformation and 
substituting therefor an integral, positive-Christian hierarchical 
confederation of states, similar to that which existed before Protes- 
tantism disrupted the authoritarian order of things in Central 
Europe. Hitler laid it down in article 24 of his National Social 
Party Program that "the Party as such starts from the standpoint 
of a Positive Christianity." This is specifically a Jesuit principle of 
action, with the ultimate objective of inducing all Christian sects 
to unite with the Catholic Church for a "Christian reform of states" 
— the establishment of an hierarchical grouping of corporative 
states entirely devoid of Jewish, Masonic and Protestant influence. 
Bishop Hudal and other German prelates have pointed out the 
identity of the fundamentals of National Socialism and Catholi- 
cism. Father Coughlin and his Jesuit supporters preach the same 
in this country. To date. Hitler's blitzkriegs are accomplishing in 
fact everything set forth in his ideological concepts for a "new 

Die Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, p. 18. 

22 Behind the Dictators 

order" in all of Europe after his ruthless extermination of Judaism 
and Masonry. 

For centuries Vatican policy has based all its hopes for the 
restoration of its dominion over the nations of Europe upon a 
strong, militaristic Germany that would cleanse the Continent of 
all British Protestant influence from the West, and, above all, 
safeguard it from Russo-Slavic invasion from the East. A Greater 
Germany, in other words, must be made again the center of a 
revived Holy Roman Empire. 

It is significant that Pope Leo XIII urged this very plan upon 
the late Kaiser Wilhelm II during the latter's last visit to the Vati- 


can. The Kaiser, in his Memoirs, vividly describes the colorful and 
solemn setting in which the interview took place, and says that he 
jotted down what was said for future reference. What interested 
him most was Pope Leo's insistence that, by war, if necessary, the 
Holy Roman Empire should be restored, and that to this end "Ger- 
many must become the Sword of the Catholic Church." Following 
are the Kaiser's own words: 

"It was of interest to me that the Pope said to me on this occasion 
that Germany must become the sword of the Catholic Church. I re- 
marked that the old Roman Empire of the German nation no longer 
existed, and that conditions had changed. But he stuck to his words." 

Hitler succeeded the Kaiser and by Germany's military might 
wiped out from all of Europe popular government. Freemasonry, 
and all the democratic freedoms against which Pope Leo XIII 
and other nineteenth century popes fulminated their condemna- 

Catholic propagandists in the United States, despite expressed 
opinions to the contrary, have not been unaware of this identity of 
interests between Nazi-Fascism and Catholic aims, and diplomatic- 
ally, but definitely, have been striving for their realization. Hitler's 
early conquests in Austria and Czechoslovakia were applauded as 
"a natural re-adjustment in Europe" by the Catholic Justice Her- 
bert O'Brien of New York, in an article featured in the New York 
Herald Tribune of March 29, 1938. Needless to say, his opinions 

See, The Kaiser's Memoirs, by Wilhem II, translated by Thomas R. 
Ybarra, p. 211, Harper & Bros. 1922. 

The Re-Establishment of the Holy Roman Empire 23 

are not solely his own, but were obviously dictated to him by official 
Catholic authority. Taking occasion to warn the United States from 
participating in war on the side of England and France, Justice 
O'Brien stated that such a war would be unjust since its objective 
would be "to oppose certain political adjustments and changes in 
Central Europe resulting in economic and nationalistic confedera- 
tions which had existed for generations before the great world con- 
flict . . . and also to resist that great confederation of small groups 
which, up to the breaking out of the great world war. had enjoyed, 
under the beneficent sway of the Hapsburgs, commercial prosperity, 
independence and peace." He goes on to say: 

"The opposition to this adjustment of the German peoples with 
some of the groups of the old Austrian Empire . . . comes from Eng- 
land and France. These two nations have expressed their bitter resent- 
ment over these changes as a disturbance of the 'balance of power' 
in Europe, and are fearful that Germany, in union with a re-united 
Austria, will place the German peoples in the ascendancy with ample 
force to maintain this position, and, by alliance with Italy, terminate 
Britain's sole supremacy of the Mediterranean and directly affect its 
sole future control of India and Egypt and the African British 

He wrote that "dismemberment of the Austrian Empire was 
the most tragic blunder of the twentieth century. When England 
and France chopped up Austria they ruined Europe." He applauded 
Hitler's success in destroying Protestant British hegemony in 
Central Europe and in securing a return to the political and social 
set-up of the corporate union of states in a revived Holy Roman 

"What America is witnessing is the normal reunion of these several 

parts into the original, living structure. It had to come. It could not be 

blocked. In justice to the 100 miUion people in Central Europe, why 
should anyone try to prevent it?" 

He uncovered the whole pretense of official Catholic opposition 

even to Hitler's religious and racial persecutions as well as to his 

"protectorates" over non-German nations as follows: 

"It happened with Hitler. It would have happened without Hitler, 
and in spite of Hitler. And with the inclusion of these non-Germanic 
groups. Hitler's anti-rehgious and racial persecutions must terminate 
and vanish. Hitler will pass away, but the great re-established union, 
together with rehgious liberty, will survive." 

24 Behind the Dictators 

What the Cathohc Church is hoping and working for as a result 
of the present death struggle between the fascist and democratic 
blocs is the re-establishment in Europe of the "Real State," a rigid 
hierarchical system wherein inferiors are subject to superiors. In 
this system each individual, like a cell in a body, must humbly sub- 
mit to his fate and occupy his "natural place" which is allotted to 
him from birth and have no desire to get away from it. This basis 
of social structure is not only anti-Jewish, but also anti-Protestant. 
It corresponds exactly to the system of the Jesuit Order itself as 
founded by Ignatius Loyola, the essential point of which consists 
in an hierarchical structure of ideas, and is characteristic of all 
Catholic political thought. The hierarchical, as opposed to the 
Protestant democratic system, holds that the different races con- 
stitute the hierarchical steps in a cosmic system which no one has 
the right to change or modify either by individual or collective will. 

The Jesuit Father Muckermann, in his many works on race 
hygiene, fully explains this ideology which is at the basis of all the 
aims and acts of Nazi-Fascism. Mixture of races, he holds, pro- 
duces "inharmonious" descendants who have difficulty in allowing 
themselves to be absorbed into a national unity. It is well known 
that mixture of races brings forth strong individualities; and these 
in the Jesuit view, would disrupt the static "harmony" they desire 
among peoples and nations, as well as nullify the gregarious in- 
stinct which the Jesuits endeavor to foster. In their view "harmony" 
is a state where each one places himself humbly and voluntarily in 
the organic niche appointed for him by the supreme authority 
without any "diabolic inharmonious" desire to leave it. This is the 
way the Jesuit Order itself is built up, and this is the ideal Catholic 
aim for states and groups of states in the political and social order. 
It is the organic, static, hierarchical, integralist, corporative system 
of Nazi-Fascist teaching, which is already in effect in many coun- 
tries of Europe. It is in direct opposition to the disintegralist, 
dynamic, liberal, free, democratic concept of political and social 

Cf. Rene Fulop Muller, Macht und Geheimnis der Jesuiten, p. 41; also 

his Rassenheirarchie als Kirchliche Lehre, pp. 42, 204. 

The Re-Establishment of the Holy Roman Empire 25 

The Jesuit Order has its "Aryan paragraph" corresponding ex- 
actly to that of Hitlerism. Its Constitutions contain six impediments 
against reception into the Order, the first of which is Jewish descent 
up to the fourth generation. If Jewish descent is discovered after a 
candidate's admission, it prevents his "radiation." This Aryan para- 
graph first appeared in the statutes of the Order in 1593, was con- 
firmed in 1608 and is to be found in the latest official edition pub- 
lished in Florence in 1893. General councils of the order have many 
times proclaimed that Jewish descent must be considered as "an 
impurity, scandal, dishonor and infamy."^ Suarez, noted Jesuit 
theologican, also states that Jewish descent is an impurity of such 
indelible character that it is sufficient to prevent admission into the 

This identity of interests between Nazi-Fascism and Jesuit 
Catholicism in the matter of opposition to the mixture of races and 
religions is something that cannot be denied. And this ideology is 
the prime cause of the war that is devastating the world at the 
present time. Hider, the fanatic, has already gone a long way to 
bring it to realization. If he succeeds in making it permanent, the 
"new order" which he has vowed to bring about in Europe will be 
what the Catholic Church has been strenuously working for during 
the past four centuries. As a result, Europe will be entirely free 
of that "pseudo-democratic liberalism" so hateful to official Cathol- 
icism. With or without Hider, as Justice O'Brien says, it had to 
come. And its beginnings could only have been accomplished by 
the ruthless war now being waged by Nazi-Fascism — a fact which 
its Jesuit proponents have fully realized during their centuries of 
counter-Reformation activities. But it is only by facing this fact, 
and forgetting Roman Catholic propaganda in our daily news- 
papers, that we can understand why a victory for an authoritarian 
Germany, not its crushing defeat by the democratic Allies, has been 
fervently desired by the Vatican. 

Institutum 8. J., p. 278, 302; also Jesuit Lexicon, p. 939. 
F. Suarez, Tractatus de religione Societatis Jesu, p. 34. 

26 Behind the Dictators 


HITLER is a product of the Catholic Church. He has never 
renounced the religious doctrines nor condemned the 
political aims and aspirations of the Church into which he 
was bom and baptized. Just as his father regarded the Catholic 
priesthood as the highest state to which anyone could aspire, so to 
him as a child the priest appeared as the ideal human being. In his 
autobiography Hitler says that he was deeply impressed with the 
religious ceremonies of the Catholic Church and was a member of 
the choir in his parish church. In his free time he took singing 
lessons at the nearby monastery. "This," he says, "supplied me 
with the best opportunity to steep myself in the solemn magnifi- 
cence of the brilliant feasts of the Church."^ 

These early emotions never completely disappeared, and he has 
always remained conscious of the extremely suggestive value of 
ecclesiastical surroundings. Toward the end of his book he de- 
scribes "the psychological conditions which tend to create that 
artificial and mysterious half-light in Catholic churches — the wax 
tapers, the incense ..." In fact, in his Mein Kampf Hitler approves 
of everything particularly relating to Jesuit Catholicism as opposed 
to Protestantism. He approves of the indisputability of Catholic 

1 1 

dogmas," of the intolerant attitude of Catholic education, of the 
necessity of blind faith, of the personal infallibility of the pope — 
imposed upon the Church by the Jesuits in 1870,^ — and of the com- 
pulsory celibacy of the Catholic clergy. These are all matters that 
make Catholicism radically different from the other churches of 
Christendom. In an open and prophetic expression of his admira- 
tion for the Catholic Church, he says: 

"Thus the Catholic Church is more secure than ever. It can be pre- 
dicted that, as passing phenomena vanish away, she will remain as a 
beacon light amid these vanishing elements, attracting blind adherents 
in ever- increasing numbers." 

' Cf. Mein Kampf, p. 4. ' P. 293. ' P. 385. ^ P. 417. ' P. 507. ^ P. 513. 
See The Catholic Church in Hitler's 'Mein Kampf; 15c Agora Publishing 
Co. It was a priest. Father Staempfle, not Hitler, who really wrote "Mein 

Hitler AND THE Catholic Church 27 

This enthusiastic declaration of the Fuehrer is not only an ex- 
pression of the prophetic sense generally attributed to him, but the 
manifestation of a desire firmly rooted in his soul. Like all Catholics 
of Central Europe, he was educated to resist Protestantism — the 
historical enemy which has always endeavored to detach govern- 
ments and peoples from the political and religious influence of 
the Church of Rome. Throughout his book he has no word of dis- 
approval for the Jesuit campaign against ail forms of Protes- 
tantism. It is true, that, in places, he states that both Protestantism 
and Catholicism, as religious units, are of equal worth, so far as his 
National Socialism is concerned. But an analysis of his particular 
statements regarding the two religious systems immediately shows 
how closely he is bound to ultramontane Catholicism. In the matter 
of racism and anti-Semitism, Hitler clearly indicates his hostility to 
Protestantism. He says: 

"Protestantism opposes in an extremely vigorous manner every attempt 
that is made to rid the nation of its worst enemy; in fact, the position 
of Protestantism with regard to Judaism is more or less dogmatically 
fixed. But we have now come to a point where this problem will have 
to be solved; otherwise all attempts at the renaissance of Germany and 
national regeneration will be of no avail." 

It is true that Protestantism can never associate itself with Jesuit 
racism. The protest to Hitler by the German Confessional Church 
in 1936, makes this clear: "Anti-Semitism," it says, "often provokes 
excesses that nothing can justify, and which are merely the result 
of hatred for the Jewish minority." 

The identity of Hitler's ideology with that of traditional Jesuit 
Catholicism cannot be denied; nor the fact that by ruthless persecu- 
tion and armed might, in collaboration with the other Catholic 
dictators, he has forwarded the ultimate objectives of the Catholic 
Church. Hitler, Mussolini, Franco and Salazar (the Catholic dic- 
tator of Portugal) ousted Jewish, Masonic and Protestant influence 
from all of Europe from the Arctic to the Mediterranean. In spite 
of this, however, many in America are still skeptical of any pre- 
determined connection between Nazi-Fascism and Jesuit Catholi- 
cism. They point to the "persecution" of the Catholic Church in 

7 p. 123. 

8 Cf. Easier National Zeitung, July 20, 1936. 

28 Behind the Dictators 

Germany, and to professions of faith in democracy by some Catlio- 
lic spokesmen in tlie United States. 

Tliere is liere a case of obvious contradiction between reality 
and appearance. In the first place, Nazi opposition to the Catholic 
Church in Germany has been confined to its "liberal" elements, 
and Catholic leadership has always opposed these more than any 
others. The Jesuit party has long feared the infiltration of Protes- 
tant and liberal ideas into the German Catholic mind. During the 
post-war years, when Germany was a democratic republic, many 
of the ordinary secular clergy and some of the religious orders 
became enamored of the liberal, secularizing spirit. They formed 
the backbone of the Catholic Centre Party — which was the last 
bulwark against Hitler's rise to power. But this last element of 
liberalism in Germany was dissolved by order of Pope Pius XI, as 
a stipulated condition of the Vatican's concordat with Nazism; its 
leader, Klausener, was assassinated in the "blood purge" of June 
30, 1934. The last liberal party in Italy also, headed by the exiled 
priest Don Sturzo, shared the same fate at the hands of the same 
Pope Pius XL It is nothing new in Catholic history that religious 
and social reformers from within the Church should be the first to 
suffer its enmity. The heretics of history, delivered over to auto- 
crat civil power for burning and imprisonment by the Church, are 
mute witnesses to this unchanging policy of intransigent Catholi- 

It can easily be seen that the identity of Jesuit political thought 
with the objectives of Nazi-Fascism makes it imperative to conceal 
it from the American public. Were it otherwise, the Catholic 
Church would suffer complete loss of its prestige in the United 
States — in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics alike. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that the following evident contradictions 
may be noted with regard to Catholic Church propaganda: 

1. Opposing views of Jesuit authors on actual questions con- 
cerning politics, economics, and even religious matters; 

2. The adoption of national peculiarities in all countries, even 
in pagan lands; 

Hitler and the Catholic Church 29 

3. The combatting of socialism witli one liand and ottering it 
friendsliip witli tlie otlier; 

4. Tlie favoring of chauvinist and nationalist views as well as 
of international pacific tendencies; 

5. The making of eloquent declarations in favor of democracy, 
and at the same time seizing upon every possible means to 
undermine and wreck it; 

6. The creation of situations apparently contradictory of one 

Apart from this, there is nothing insincere on the part of in- 
transigent Catholic leadership. The guiding forces of modem 
Catholicism are as sincere in their conviction as their predecessors 
of old that nothing good can come out of liberal political and social 
regimes. Liberalism in religion is anathema to them and their 
greatest enemy. They desire peace, but hold with the Nazi-Fascists 
that peace can come only by war, with all its appalling conse- 
quences, as a necessary evil. For by victorious war alone, they hold, 
can men and nations to be made to submit to the hierarchical idea 
of a world-order of states, races and individuals. Their conviction 
is that peace can come only from that "harmonious" acquiescence 
of men bound to their "natural place" in society and religion. 
From its apex, this pyramid of states is to be totally ruled by the 
theocratic institution of the Catholic Church, with the Pope of 
Rome as the Vicar of Jesus Christ and the sole mouthpiece of 
Almighty God. 

Alone, and without well-planned direction, Adolf Hitler never 
could have accomplished what he did to this end. All the world 
is now convinced that he was no idle dreamer, nor just a poor 
paper-hanger, when he attempted his Munich Beer-hall putsch. His 
visions were realistically sketched out for him by those who directed 
him as a youth, and the grandeur of their ideas of a totalitarian 
world, symbolized by ritualistic ceremonies in cathedrals and 
churches, urged him to action. 

When Hitler drew Austria into his hierarchic confederation, his 
action was greeted by Heils from Catholic Church prelates. After 

30 Behind the Dictators 

his bloodless absorption of Czechoslovakia and the land of the 
hated Hussites, there was rejoicing again within the Catholic 
world. A feeble, easily answered complaint from the Vatican fol- 
lowed his blitzkrieg that brought Catholic Poland again into the 
orbit of a centrally-controlled Europe. Definite refusal met the 
request of President Roosevelt, through his "peace ambassador" 
to the Vatican, that Pope Pius XII condemn Hitler's invasion of 
Protestant Denmark and Norway. 

Only short-sighted, idealistic Americans fail to understand that 
Hitler and the intransigent leaders of Roman Catholicism are one 
with Mussolini when he declared: 

"Capitalism, parliamentarian ism, democracy, socialism, com- 
munism, and a certain vacillating Catholicism, with which, sooner 
or later, we shall deal in our style, are against us." 

All of these, particularly the last, are the forces which the Jesuits 
and their counter-Reformation have fought against (and made 
use of) since the time of Martin Luther and his associates. 

The Catholic Church and the Corporative State 31 



A FEW YEARS AGO, Americans considered it incredible 
that the Catholic Church could be officially in favor of the 
Fascist corporative state; much less that it could have been 
in any way responsible for the origin and spread of Corporatism. 
They refused to believe that the vaunted encyclical Quadragesimo 
Anno, of Pope Pius XI, was an endorsement of the Nazi-Fascist 
objective to discredit and destroy the structure of the liberal demo- 
cratic state, and to set up, in its stead, authoritarian, hierarchical 
regimes. Yet, this encyclical embodied the whole aim of the Catho- 
lic Church for half a century before the rise of Fascism, namely, 
the total reconstruction of the then existing social order on Catho- 
lic-Fascist lines. The real title of this encyclical is: "On the Recon- 
struction of the Social Order," and its plan is actually the ecclesias- 
tical counterpart of the Fascist military onslaught against liberal- 
ism and democracy. 

Americans heard Father Coughlin preach this for eight years, 
but merely shrugged their shoulders and took it for granted that 
his rantings were those of a crackpot and had nothing to do with 
the true aims and activities of the Catholic Church. It can now be 
seen that this plan of the Vatican, though camouflaged in terms 
to quiet the fears of Americans, was being carried forward officially 
by the Catholic Church in the United States as vigorously as in 
European countries. 

In our first issue of The Converted Catholic Magazine,' atten- 
tion was directed to the plan as published under the auspices of 
the National Catholic Welfare Conference, and signed by 131 
Catholic prelates and noted laymen. It advocated a change in the 
United States' Constitution to permit the enactment of the recom- 
mendations of Pope Pius XI into American law. It praised the 
NRA, which is now admitted as having been patterned on Fascist 

'Jan., 1940. p. 6. 

32 Behind the Dictators 

Corporative lines,^ and which was aboHshed by unanimous opinion 
of the U. S. Supreme Court as destructive of American democracy. 
In spite of this, however, this plan of the CathoUc Church says: 
"Had the NRA been permitted to continue, it could readily have 
developed into the kind of industrial order recommended by the 
Holy Father." 

So cautiously had this plan been advanced in the United States, 
that it was not until the Roman Catholic hierarchy, in 1940, issued 
its pronouncement on "The Church and the Social Order"^ that 
the press could safely headline the news that "The Catholic Hier- 
archy Advocates Corporative System for the U. S." Strange to 
say, there was then no public outcry. And even now, when patriotic 
Americans are turning the searchlight of suspicion on every sign 
of political and economic subversion, the greatest Trojan Horse 
of them all continues to tower unmolested in the very shadow of 
their searchlights. In newspaper offices, this Trojan Horse of Jesuit 
Catholicism is still regarded as the feared and untouchable "sacred 

The misconception that the corporative system is purely an 
economic matter, has blinded the American press and public to the 
real aim behind Catholicism's advocacy of it. Corporatism is indeed 
the economic ingredient of Fascism. But it is also the essential ele- 
ment of Fascism, since the corporatives make a parliament or con- 
gress unnecessary. For these corporatives are the means through 
which the "Leader" exercises his dictatorial will. It was precisely 
because the Supreme Court judged that, by the NRA, Congress had 
abdicated its powers and was thus paving the way for Fascism, 
that it took vigorous action against it. The entire ideology of Fas- 
cism and Nazism — in social, economic, educational, religious and 
military' matters — is contained in the corporative system. Corpor- 
atism is Fascism. 

- Cf. John T. Flynn, in the N. Y. World-Telegram, July 12, 1940, where 
he states that, by the NRA, President Roosevelt, unwittingly, "attempted 
to introduce this feature of Fascism into our country". 

^ Feb. 8, 1940. The N.C.W.C. called it "the most important utterance made 
by the Catholic hierarchy since the bishops' program of reconstruction 
of 1919". 

^ Cf. Richmond Times Dispatch, Feb. 9, 1940. 

The Catholic Church and the Corporative State 33 

The Roman Catholic bishops, though cautiously, have spoken 
nonetheless as plainly in favor of Nazi-Fascist ideology as the 
Catholic hierarchies of Italy, Spain and Germany. Like Hitler and 
Coughlin, they start from a standpoint of "positive Christianity," 
and call for "a comprehensive program for restoring Christ to His 
true and proper place in human society," for "a reform of morals 
and a profound renewal of the Christian spirit which must precede 
the social reconstruction." Implicit in this is the customary anti- 
Semitic and Fascist condemnation of the "Masonic-Judaic pluto- 
democracies" as resting upon an immoral, un-Christian foundation. 

It was in this same way that the Roman Catholic bishops of 

Italy, Spain and Germany supported the rise of Fascism and 

Nazism in their respective countries. In their pastoral letter from 

Fulda on August 30, 1936, the Catholic hierarchy of Germany 

solemnly declared to their people: 

"There is no need to speak at length of the task which our people 
and our country are called upon to undertake. May our Fuehrer, with 
the help of God, succeed in this extraordinary difficult work . . . What 
we desire is that belief in God, as taught by Christianity, will not be 
overcome, but that it be universally recognized that this faith con- 
stitutes the only sure foundation upon which can be built the powerful 
and victorious bulwark destined to hold back the forces of Bolshe- 

All doubts as to the whole-hearted support of Hitler's program 
from the beginning by the Catholic hierarchy in Germany are 
cleared up by a perusal of the discourses and writings of Bishop 
Aloysius Hudal, Rector of the Collegio Teutonico in Rome and one 
of the closet consultors of the Holy See on German and Austrian 
affairs. In his book. The Fundamentals of National Socialism, he 
repeats the contents of many of his allocutions to the German 
colony in Rome. The following is a sample: 

"Let us see, for example, how interesting are some of the objectives 
of the National Socialist program: popular unity as opposed to every- 
thing that can disrupt; language as the nation's spiritual bond; con- 
sciousness of Germany's historical destiny; the sentiment of race 
consciousness; the attempt to solve the Jewish question; assurance of 
pure German breeding; destruction of parties; culture of the family, and 
the ideal of the large family considered as a matter of honor and 
national pride; the militarization of the nation . . . ; a new system of 
instruction and education; the corporative idea; the aristocratic princi- 
ple of government by a Leader. . . . Above all, the German people are 

34 Behind the Dictators 

indebted to this spiritual movement for the slow destruction of the 
idealogy of the Rights of Man, upon which the edifice of Weimar was 
founded, as well as for destruction of faith in formal juridical constitu- 
tions, of the dialectics of parliamentary procedures . . . and of democ- 

In order to prove the identity of interests between Catholicism 
and Nazi Socialism, Bishop Hudal quotes from the Catholic Ger- 
man historian, Joseph Lortz of Minister, who, in his work. History 
of the Churches,^ shows that Catholicism and Nazi-Socialism agree 
on the following points: 

"1. Both are mortal enemies of Bolshevism, Liberalism, and Relativ- 
ism, that is to say. of the three deadly maladies from which our age 
is suffering, and which fiercely attack the work of the Church. The 
essential ideas of Nazi Socialism, together with the principle of liberty 
bound to authority, correspond exactly to the ideas that Popes Gregory 
and Pius IX endeavored to impose upon the 19th century, in face of a 
world which called itself progressive, and which received their teachings 
with sarcastic smiles. To this is added their common fight against 

"2. Their common fight against the Godless movement; against 
public immorality; against the stupid doctrine of equality, which is 
destructive of life; their fight for a rational and fertile structure of 
human society as desired by God, and for the corporative structure of 
the state as proposed by Popes Leo XIII and Pius XI (Quadragesima 
Anno); their common fight against a mode of life that is unnatural and 
deprived of all healthy traditions as encountered in great modern cities 
and workmen's localities. 

"3. By its principle of authority and government by a Leader, a 
principle upon which all national life rests. National Socialism com- 
bines the German and the Catholic attitude towards human life. 

"4. Most important of all: National Socialism is a confession of 
faith; opposing, as it does, unbelief and destructive doubt it has con- 
vinced all classes of society that the outlook of the believer is not, as 
liberalism has taught, an attitude of inferiority, but one that carries 
man towards the total accomplishment of his destiny. And although the 
Catholic Church should never identify itself with any movement, it can- 
not afford to mists the opportunity of gratefully accepting the help of 
this powerful ally in the fight which she is carrying on against atheistic 

This Catholic historian calls attention to the fact which American 
observers have failed to note, that Nazi-Fascism is but the outcome 
of events in which the Catholic Church has played a decisive role 


Op cit p. 236 et seq. 
p. 291 et seq. 

The Catholic Church and the Corporative State 35 

for centuries. He says that National Socialism is the "fulfilment of 

destiny," and goes on to say: 

"It was born originally out of the most profound tendencies of the 
epoch, of which it is the crowning act. Undoubtedly, we now have 
the right to speak of an essential transformation, of the birth of a 
veritable new era, the accomplishments of which will remain, A new 
epoch has opened which will serve religion and the Church, and which 
will be extraordinarily well armed to carry on the fight against 

This, and much more, is quoted by Bishop Hudal to prove the 
fundamental identity of the aims and purposes of Catholicism and 
Nazi- Socialism. The Catholic bishops in the United States cannot 
afford to be as frank in supporting Nazi-Fascist ideology in this 
country. They cannot but admit, however, that their fellow-bishops 
in Nazi-Fascist countries have been correct in their analysis of the 
benefits which this anti-liberal and anti-democratic ideology will 
bring to the organization of Roman Catholicism. 

Franz von Papen, a papal Knight and Hitler's most successful hench- 
man, declared in Der Volkischer Beobachter of January 14, 1934: "The Third 
Reich is the first power which not only recognizes, but which puts into 
practice the high principles of the Papacy." 

36 Behind the Dictators 


A CLEVER MASQUERADE has always been characteristic 
of the pohtical activities of Jesuit CathoUcism. Jesuitry is 
a word in all our dictionaries that is defined as synonymous 
with subtle duplicity, indirection and disingenuousness. History is 
witness to the undeniable fact that the Jesuit Order, founded in 
1540 for the express purpose of counter-Reformation, has excelled 
in the art of Machiavellian duplicity.' It is an organization founded 
on military lines to fight for the political restoration of the Roman 
Papacy, and is the only order in the Catholic Church that binds its 
members by special oath for this purpose. It uses the deep-seated 
religious needs of the human heart in order to carry out a plan 
which is patently political and reactionary from the point of view 
of social matters. 

This is a fact that must be borne in mind today in order to under- 
stand what is behind the onslaughts of what is known as Nazi- 
Fascism against the liberal constitutions of Protestant democratic 
countries. Present-day events appear as a mass of contradictions 
and confused paradoxes which, if they are to be fully understood, 
require a most acute analysis. In order to uncover the real forces 
which are playing for high stakes in the game, it is not sufficient 
to examine the mere surface of things as they happen. It is neces- 
sary to discover who is pulling the strings from behind the scenes. 
Otherwise we reach, not the real culprits, but only the puppets 
pushed out in front by their political masters to cover up and bear 
the brunt of the initial attack. 

All the efforts so far made in America to fight the forces of 
Fascism, Nazism and Communism, in order to safeguard the gains 
of liberalism and democracy, have been frustrated by the fact that 
few have been aware that their chief strength lies in their ideology. 
Only now is it being slowly realized that they can never be over- 
come by fighting them merely along the lines of economic interests. 
But all that comes under the name of Fascism will never be success- 

Cf. the well-known Jesuit slogan: "Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re"- 
"Be suave in manner, aggressive in act". 

The Greatest Trojan Horse of Them All 37 

fully met until it is further fully realized that the essential founda- 
tion of its ideological factors is rooted in the past. Americans will 
never win out against it unless and until they bring to light the 
activating forces set in motion, long before Mussolini and Hitler, 
for the express purpose of arresting and eventually destroying the 
progress that followed upon the Protestant Reformation and the 
American and French Revolutions. Nazi-Fascism is not merely 
"Kaiserism with bad manners." It is the spearhead of a hidden 
force which set out long ago to impose a new ideology upon the 
post-Reformation world. 

Religion, which has always been used by ambitious oppressors 
to serve the ends of their political power, is the mask to conceal 
their scheme of action. Although religion is the most sacred of 
man's needs, it is the easiest and most effective cloak to hide a 
poisoned dagger from an enemy. It has always been used by politi- 
cal Catholicism as a Trojan horse with all the appurtenances of 
war safely concealed within its flanks. This is especially the case 
in liberal democratic countries like the United States, where a 
wealthy and powerful organization like the Church of Rome is 
safeguarded not only against open attack but even against mild 
and just criticism. American tolerance, leaning backwards, has 
forced a rigid policy on leading newspaper offices and bureaus of 
public information to treat the Church of Rome as a "sacred cow." 
Just as the Trojans unsuspectingly accepted the mysterious horse 
thrust within their gates by the wily Greeks, so too has America 
stood in awe of the "sacred cow" of Catholicism and has never 
dared even to question its presence. Americans are justly fearful 
of being accused of religious bigotry and intolerance, since they 
have long prided themselves as guaranteeing religious liberty and 
freedom of expression to all comers. They have been thus without 
means to justify an open investigation of an organization suspected 
of concealing dynamite that, touched off by other dangerous forces, 
may explode in their midst and destroy the very Constitution that 
has enabled them to remain secure and prosperous themselves and 
tolerant to the Catholic church itself. 

Observers in America's ivory towers have been blinded to the 
real facts behind the present upheaval that threatens to wipe out 

38 Behind the Dictators 

every vistage of post-Reformation liberalism from the world. This 
is due in great part to that subtle duplicity which has enabled Jesuit 
Catholic forces to pave the way for, and cooperate with, Nazi- 
Fascism's successful efforts to impose on the world an entirely new 
ideology, while at the same time making it appear in Protestant 
countries that the Catholic Church is on the side of democracy, is, 
in fact, one of the main bulwarks of democracy. Its real aim and 
purpose, however, can be known only by an examination of its 
activities before and since the rise of Fascism. 

The Jesuits take a solemn oath to fight a crusade for "Catholic 
restoration," the success of which has always depended first on 
the complete destruction of Protestantism and its increasing liber- 
alizing effects on political and social life for the past four hundred 
years. For it was Protestantism that undermined the political power 
of the papacy in the past. It made religion a matter of individual 
choice; it liberated the individual from the authoritarianism of 
kings and popes; it freed the civil state from ecclesiastical inter- 
ference; it caused non-Catholic governments to deny outright the 
vital claim of the Church of Rome to be, by divine right, a uni- 
versal, independent entity and superior to all other forms of gov- 
ernment; it took away from the Church of Rome direct control 
over all the institutions that go to make up the life of man — mar- 
riage, education, charitable, cultural and recreational activities. 
It is now accused by Catholic spokesmen as being the instigator of 
communism and atheism and the ally of world Jewry and Free- 

Space permits only a very brief summary of the counter-Reforma- 
tion activities of Jesuit Catholicism which led to the rise and pres- 
ent successes of Nazi-Fascism against the liberalizing effects of 
the Protestant Reformation. The Thirty Years War, the murderous 
reign of the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands, the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew and the bloody attempts at Catholic restoration in 
England, are visible, and terrifying examples of the anti-Protestant 
activities of the Jesuit Order in the past. It was they who instigated 
the Dreyfus Affair as a means to overthrow the French Republic 
and thus nullify the effects of the French Revolutions of 1789 and 
1848. For these, in the Jesuit view, were also the result of the Prot- 
estant Reformation. 

The Greatest Trojan Horse of Them All 39 

"The ^Revolutions of 1789 and 1848." says the Jesuit Father Ham- 
merstein," "were the result of the Reformation. And today we are 
faced with a choice of an alternative: either to live in a Socialism 
during these last years of heresy [Protestantism] or to infect public 
life with the principles of Christianism, that is to say 'Catholic prin- 
ciples.' Anything else is but half-measure." 

Hitler himself admits that he was helped by the methods of the 
Jesuit counter- Reformation to carry on his ideological war. His 
use of brute force against all opposing convictions and philosophi- 
cal opinions is the result of the fact, as he says, that "I made a 
rigorous analysis of analogous cases which are to be met with in 
history, especially in the domain of religion." 

But it was not until after "World War I that the active plan 

for Catholic restoration began to take shape. Before the coming 

of Pope Pius XI, in 1922, the Catholic church had been forced 

into a more or less defensive position towards the liberal spirit of 

modern times. But with the election of this admittedly pro-Jesuit 

and pro-Fascist pope, Mussolini and Hitler also appeared on the 

scene, and in combination with them the Catholic church took the 

offensive. The following, from the historical work of Karl Boka, 

an ardent supporter of Catholic restoration, is to the point: 

"At this decisive moment the Pope seized the reins and took into his 
hands the unified control of all fields of endeavor in which his predes- 
cessors had distinguished themselves. This was the beginning of Catho- 
lic Action of far-reaching importance, of the entrance of the church into 
the fight, into the battle for moral and religious renovation, and for the 
reform of social institutions. And this intervention had for its end the 
destruction of the liberal spirit of the 19th century and the triumph of 
the Christian Idea." 

Since then we have witnessed Catholicism's open support of every 
step taken by Nazi-Fascism to impose authoritarian regimes upon 
all peoples: its active cooperation in the systematic oppression 
exercised by the Fascist regime in Italy itself; its secret agreement 
with Hitler's National Socialism (the Vatican was the first to rec- 
ognize Hitler's regime); its support of Mussolini's shameful con- 
quest of Ethiopia and even of Japan's invasion of China; its open 

In his book. The Church and the State, p. 132. published before the first 
world war in England, when he was professor of Canon Law at Button Hall. 
' Cf. Mein Kampf, p. 186. 

Staat und Parteien. p. 75, Max Niehams Verlag, Zurich and Leipzig. 

40 Behind the Dictators 

alliance with Franco in his rebellion against the Spanish Republic; 
its joy at the annexation of Austria to Nazi Germany and the oblit- 
eration of democratic Czechoslovakia; its part in the final triumph 
of Leon Degrelle's Rexist Party in Belgium and its fulsome praise 
for the French Fascist State which under "good Marshal Petain," 
took the place of the defunct French Republic. After Pearl Harbor 
the Vatican accepted General Ken Harada as Ambassador from 
Tokyo to the Holy See. 

The full account of events in Germany from 1918 till the rise of 
Hitler to power has yet to be written. But it cannot be denied that 
they were cleverly maneuvered to their outcome by the machina- 
tions of Jesuit diplomacy. The owning classes, whose liberalism 
was less an expression of ideal convictions than of material inter- 
ests, were gripped with the fear of the growth of socialism under 
the Weimar Republic. By clever propaganda, Roman Catholic 
forces succeeded in convincing them that an hierarchical church 
was their best protection against the attacks of the "lower classes." 
On the other hand, they used the anti-liberalism of German 
socialists to prove to these latter that political Catholicism and 
the socialist movement, both opponents of this liberalism, could 
form a solid basis for common action in the domain of political 

The coalition between the Social-Democrats and the Catholic 
Center Party was the result of this maneuver; in reality it was an 
unconscious submission of the former to Jesuit Catholicism, which 
was thus enabled to use Catholic democratic politicians and the 
anti-Jesuits for its own ends. It was so cleverly done that the real 
aim of the Jesuits was not realized until Pope Pius XI dissolved 
the Catholic Center Party and thus left the way clear for Hitler's 
rise to power. In all this. Hitler had the cooperation of Monsignor 
Kaas, the real head of the Catholic Center Party. The role played 
by former Chancellor Briining, the political leader of the Party, is 
as obscure as that of his ill-fated colleague Schuschnigg. The pres- 
ent pope, Pius XII, was papal nuncio in Bavaria at that time and 
was well known to have been an enemy of the German Republic. 
After Hitler came to power he was sent as nuncio to Berlin and 
immediately drew up a concordat between Hitler and Pope Pius XL 

The Greatest Trojan Horse of Them All 


Shrewd Franz von Papen, a favorite protege of the Jesuits, also 
played an important part in preparing the way for Hitler's final 
victory over the Social-Democrats and all other parties in the 

And if we look closely into present happenings in our own 
Western Hemisphere we cannot fail to note a cautious, yet aggres- 
sive pro-Fascist and anti-liberal trend in all official Catholic utter- 

7H;e: tablet. PATt'RL 


-ft i.con-in Prie^T 


.M;it Rti. Myn T. ■cII"<Ji(1!m 

In Pislof a) UrB«i ?m>k 

T» Prolnt 


SUtwntnl b) Ralcft B^tNspi'' 

Con'«r»nc» ti Eip«clKj to 

Rsvii* Ourch Stind 

Catholic Bishojis 

'. on Nation;)! I)f fcn-e, 

S»YSWEIIUSt"jiV0iOW«' The Bishops ct th- A^^ttative 

^ ( Cocnmitti-e of Ihe Nitiorj! C«:l>o.^ V.«l- 

Bj^e-Wadi»ofth B<t| it.' f"e ConfrreOce. thrwgh ihr gern^l sec- 
ia!«il It U.<T». T. I rrtary, the Ri6hi Rrv. Monsi6»or Miff-*' 

^!^ i««« ^ Miliury A*-^ vCjCjOff^^ .^, 



LtuSnr Synipalhati« ts Hitlar 

Activt M ScMion — M«tl 

Biihap Im Eticlid 

V^l^ ka TM Alv ^f T^H 
)4r-.«- cf i>-ri£4B Jtimbop^ m^vmif 
Li JPVtdK. vbKk c^h4 '^ ^ 

ftf, O/fm' 



42 Behind the Dictators 

ances. American democracy's greatest danger is Fascist penetration 
of the Latin- American Republics, whose way of Hfe has always 
been controlled by the Church of Rome. Evidences are plentiful 
that this Nazi-Fascist penetration has the support of the Catholic 
Church.^ The Catholic press in the United States ridiculed and 
openly resented the attempt of the United States to "impose its 
will" on the Pan-American Conference held at Havana in 1942 to 
countract Nazi-Fascist efforts in South American countries. The 
close observer will not fail to note the pronounced anti-Semitic, 
anti-Masonic, anti-British and pro-Fascist tone of official Catholic 
periodicals and newspapers. They also pooh-poohed any need of 
compulsory military training in this country, and instructed the 
Catholic people to write to their senators and representatives in 
Washington to protest against efforts to pass the Burke- Wads worth 
bill. They accuse the Jews and the Masons and liberal organizations 
of being the real "fifth columnists" against whom Mr. Hoover and 
his FBI should take action. Montreal's Catholic Mayor Houde in 
1940 openly defined Canada's law requiring national registration 
for home defense, and urged the citizens of Canada's largest city 
to disobey the law. 

Political ecclesiasticism, which thus makes use of man's need of 
religion to serve its thirst for power, forfeits the right to be called 

^ Cf. N. Y. Times' report from Bogota, Colombia, June 3, 1940. 

For confirmation of these facts, see issues of the Jesuit magazine 
America, N. Y. Catholic News, Brooklyn Catholic Tablet, Social Justice, 
etal. for 1940-41. 

Nazi Socialism and Catholic Restoration 43 


CATHOLIC ACTION, instituted by Pope Pius XI, is a generic 
term for Catholic reform and reconstruction — the restora- 
tion of Catholicism to the position of authority which it 
held over the nations before the Reformation. It has a two-fold 
object: a purge of liberal elements within the church itself, and 
the complete destruction of Protestantism and its liberalizing effects 
in those countries which threw off the yoke of the papacy in the 
past. Catholic Action was brought into being coincidentally with 
the rise of Nazi-Fascism, and was later consolidated by the Lateran 
Pact with Mussolini in 1929, and by the concordat with Nazi 
Socialism in 1933. It gained its objectives to a large extent in 
Europe through the military might and fifth column methods of its 
Nazi-Fascist partner. 

It can be safely said that Nazi-Fascism and Jesuitism, the two 
greatest reactionary forces in the world today, are but two facets 
of the same unity — one civil, and the other ecclesiastical. For an 
authoritarian civil State cannot function properly without the help 
of an authoritarian ecclesiastical system. It is nonetheless true, 
though not sufficiently recognized, that a free electoral State is 
impossible without the spiritual support and nourishment of a 
free church. 

Nazi-Fascism's anti-Semitic ideology, its anti-Masonic and anti- 
democratic activities, its propaganda methods, the hierarchical 
structure of its organization, and even its war program, were copied 
from the Jesuit Order. The crusades of the Middle Ages also began 
with persecution of the Jews, and were preceded by a purging 
within the church itself. Likewise a brutal cleansing within Catholi- 
cism preceded the wars of religion instigated by the Jesuits in the 
16th and 17th centuries. Its object was to rid Catholicism of the 
heretical Protestant influences which had arisen within the church's 
organization before and after Martin Luther's time. It is in the 
light of these events that Nazi Socialism's fight with all the 
churches in Germany must be regarded. On the one hand, it was an 
attempted purge of recalcitrant elements within the Catholic 

44 Behind the Dictators 

Church which had been infected with hberal and Protestant ideas 
during the post-war years in Germany under the Weimar Repub- 
hc. On the other hand, it was a fight against Protestantism and its 
hberal institutions which had been afforded still greater scope for 
development after the fall of the monarchy in 1918. The fight was 
carried out, in both instances, according to the traditional methods 
of Jesuit strategy. 

Many Americans, however, do not see it in this light. They 
think only of the fact that the Hitler regime in the beginning 
interned Catholic priests in concentration camps because they re- 
fused to obey his dictates; that heads of religious orders were 
brought to trial for smuggling money out of the country; that 
some of the members of religious orders were arrested and found 
guilty of crimes against morals; that some priests were imprisoned 
for allegedly harboring communists; that the Hitlerites turned 
against Cardinal Faulhaber, Cardinal Innitzer and the Bishop of 
Salzburg; that public school education was taken out of the hands 
of the priests in Austria; that the Catholic Center Party was anni- 
hilated and its members persecuted; that its leader. Dr. Klausner, 
was assassinated on June 30, 1934, in Hitler's "blood purge." 
These and other facts are at times cited to show that Nazi Socialism 
seems to be actively opposed to the Catholic Church. They are, 
however, merely facts whose real significance is hidden beneath 
the surface. In reality, they are not indications of a war against the 
Catholic Church as a whole, but only against certain groups op- 
posed to a corresponding plan of reconstruction and Fascist regi- 
mentation instituted at the same time by Pope Pius XI within the 
church itself. Hitler, Goebbels, von Papen, and the greatest part 
of the highest officials in the Third Reich are Catholics by birth and 

The popular confusion about the relations between the Catholic 
Church and Nazi Socialism is due to the fact that few people have 
any precise knowledge of the inner workings of the Catholic 
Church. They have been led to believe that Catholicism is a rigidly 
uniform system. The truth of the matter is that it is not the wonder- 
ful unity that it is generally supposed to be. Like all natural and 
historical phenomena, the Catholic Church is also subject to the 
law of polarity and philosophical contradictions. It has always had 

Nazi Socialism and Catholic Restoration 45 

its conservative, reactionary element pitted against opposing liberal 
groups. In order, therefore, to understand fully the status of the 
Catholic Church in relation to Nazi Socialism it is necessary to 
know the details of these opposing tendencies and forces within 
the church's organization. History alone can furnish the key to 
the mystery. 

An outstanding Catholic historian, Josef Schmidlin, draws a 

clear picture of the different factions which existed within the 

Catholic Church towards the end of the 19th century, and how 

victory for the intransigent Jesuit party led to the rise of Fascism. 

The following, from his History of the Popes of Modem Times,' 

is to the point: 

"The history of the Popes during the 19th century presents a 
succession of divergent systems following each other hke a game of 
opposites and of warring forces striving for the mastery, with first 
one side winning and then another. On one side are the zealots striv- 
ing in an intransigent and intolerant manner to preserve fixed tradi- 
tions and orthodoxy, and who take a hostile attitude towards the 
progress of modern civilization and the liberal victories that fol- 
lowed on the great revolutions, which are the unremitting enemies of 
the [Catholic] Church, the State and the principle of authority. On 
the other side are the liberals who. actuated by a more equitable 
political sense, endeavor to break free from the traditional restraints 
bound up with the ideas of old, and who try to reconcile themselves 
with modem progress in order to live in peace with liberal states and 
governments, and to integrate the church, as a spiritual force, in 
contemporary civilization. 

"From the beginning this war-like game of opposites has been 
going on within the Roman Curia, and especially within the College 
of Cardinals. It is most evident in the papal conclaves which become 
the stage for this play of divergent tendencies, which are afterwards 
openly expressed in the attitudes of successive pontiffs. For the popes 
support one or the other of these tendencies and personify them by 
the conduct of their internal and foreign policies after mounting the 
papal throne." 

Thus it can be seen that the Catholic Church has been torn be- 
tween two main irreconcilable factions, corresponding to the two 
opposing ideologies of Fascism and Democracy, which are war- 
ring to the death at present all over the world. They are two dis- 
tinct parties whose effects are felt in all ecclesiastical groups in 
the church. They are particularly active during times of papal 

Vol. Ill, p. 1. 


Behind the Dictators 

elections, and at all times go beyond the field of religion and pro- 
foundly affect political and social affairs. Their effect can easily be 
seen in every phase of social and political life in the United States.' 

The fight between these two opposing factions has been in- 
creasingly evident since the time of the Encyclopedists. The spirit 
of progress had developed so strongly in the 18th century, even 
within the Catholic Church, that Pope Clement XIV was able to 
succeed, where other popes had failed, in completely suppressing 



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the Society of Jesuits which represented, then as now, the intolerant 
and intransigent element of Catholicism. In spite of Pope Clement's 
irrevocable decree, however, the Jesuits were again restored to 
power by Pope Pius VII after the fall of Napoleon in 1814.' But 
the liberal Catholic groups, which recognized to a certain extent 
the victories won by the French Revolution, managed to exist side 
by side with the Jesuit reactionary group which has always regarded 
the liberal progress of civilization as something pernicious and 
diabolic. The progressive groups did all they could to bring the 

Cf. The Catholic Church in Politics, a series of six factual articles by 
L. H. Lehmann in The New Republic. Nov. -Dec, 1938. 

" The Jesuits lost heavily during their 40 years of banishment. Before 
their suppression they controlled practically all educational work in Euro- 
pean Catholic countries. In 1749 they had 639 colleges with up to 2,000 
students in each; in France alone they had 40,000 students. 

Nazi Socialism and Catholic Restoration 47 

teachings of the church into hne with modem philosophic doc- 
trines, and thereby incurred the increasing enmity of the Jesuit 
faction. They showed themselves skeptical of relic and saint wor- 
ship and of religious sentimentalities in general. Moreover, they 
made no secret of their hostility to the Jesuits. The Benedictine 
Order, long ante-dating the Jesuits, greatly angered the latter by 
their efforts in promoting what is known as the "Liturgical Move- 
ment" — a return to Evangelical Christianity and an attempt to 
cleanse Catholic worship of modem innovations and superstitions, 
such as wonder-working devotions to the saints. They aimed this 
especially at the Jesuits' pet devotion of the "Sacred Heart," which 
has since been outdone, however, by more modem fads like the 
Little Flower devotion. The Jesuits fought back by their usual 
underhand methods of playing on the fears of bishops and secular 
priests and even by sending members of their order, disguised as 
laymen, to spy on the Benedictines, as was done at the Benedictine 
Abbey of Maria Laach near Cologne. 

A severe blow to the hopes of liberal Catholic groups was the 
Syllabus of Errors decreed by Pope Pius IX at Jesuit insistence. 
One of these "errors," in particular, fairly took the ground from 
under the feet of those who had striven for a more progressive and 
liberal Catholicism. In complete accord with traditional Jesuit in- 
transigence. Pope Pius IX solemnly condemned the proposition 
that "the Roman Pontiff can and ought to reconcile himself to, 
and agree with, liberalism and modem civilization." 

The history of the Catholic Church entered a new phase with 
the proclamation of the dogma of the personal infallibility of the 
pope, which was also railroaded through the Vatican Council 
(1870) by the machinations of the Jesuits. This was the severest 
blow of all to the liberal elements, and certain groups hostile to 
the Jesuits followed Doellinger out of the church and established 
themselves as the Catholic Christian Church. But the vast majority 
of those who had fought the Jesuits and opposed the dogma of in- 
fallibility bowed their heads and submitted with resignation. 
Bishop Fitzgerald of Little Rock, Arkansas, held out till the end 
and voted against it. Archbishop Kenrick of St. Louis and five other 
American bishops left the Council and returned home without 

48 Behind THE Dictators 

From that time the forces of reaction fought on, invisible from 
the outside, but all the more effectively because they worked by 
intrigue and trickery. The popes themselves often aided this under- 
hand working — at times they covered up the real intent of the 
Jesuits and, at other times, they restrained them lest their excessive 
zeal should wreck the Vatican's other political maneuvers. In order 
to prevent the news of the increasingly bitter controversies waged 
at papal conclaves from reaching the public. Pope Pius XI imposed 
an oath of perpetual silence on everyone connected with them in 
the future. 

All these developments paved the way for the Vatican's ecclesi- 
astical support for the coming Fascism. There followed a rapidly 
increasing trend in Catholic action in favor of rigorously authori- 
tarian, conservative and solely hierarchical policies. Apparent 
yielding to contrary policies in democratic countries did not in any 
way affect Rome's fixed goal. It merely served to help its attain- 
ment, since it was able to employ what are now known as fifth 
column methods by using to its own purposes freedom of speech 
and religious tolerance in those countries. Once democracy and 
freedom of speech have been obliterated by military might, as in 
Nazi-Fascist controlled countries in Europe, the real authoritarian 
and intolerant nature of Jesuit Catholicism comes to light. It imme- 
diately proclaims itself the ecclesiastical counterpart of civil dicta- 
torship. What has happened in France since its capitulation to 
Hitler and Mussolini is a clear case of this. Likewise in Germany 
the Catholic bishops in 1940 decreed a solemn oath of loyalty to 
Nazi Socialism,"^ and in Slovakia in the same year the governmental 
structure of that country was publicly and officially declared to be 
a combination of Nazi Socialism and Roman Catholicism. 

Catholic historians do not trouble to deny that the success of 
Fascism is to a great extent due to the reactionary policies of the 
late Pope Pius XI. Josef Schmidlin,^ already quoted, in spite of his 

" A Vatican dispatch to the N. Y. Times of Sept. 17, 1940, stated that the 
pope had decided that it was more ependient to defer official pronounce- 
ment on this pledge till the end of the war. 

' Op. cit., p. 3. 

NaziSocialism and Catholic Restoration 49 

prudence in the matter, states: 

"This conservative heritage appears not only by the fact that the 
Pope (Pius XI) alhed the church to the Fascist state, but also by the 
fact that he seeks to deprive the clergy and Catholicism of all political 
activity and strongly supports Cathohc Action, which is based upon 
the principle of an absolute hierarchy." 

Schmidlin also points out that hberal CathoHc groups during 
the reign of Pius XI placed their last and only hope in the election 
of a liberal pope to succeed him. By the selection of the aristocratic, 
conservative Cardinal Pacelli as Pius XII, that hope was forever 

The Fascist policies of the Vatican can be seen from the follow- 
ing four points: 

1. In the application of "modern" methods of political action, that 
is, fascist methods, 

2. In the opposition to the one-time Catholic (popular) political 

3. In the distrust of the lower clergy, because of its too tolerant 
attitude toward pre-Fascist ideas of individual rights and liberties. 

4. In the creation of a movement of restoration. Catholic Action, 
entirely dependent upon Vatican bureaucracy. 

Much of the mystery of Vatican relations with Nazi-Fascism 
can thus be solved. Persecution of the Catholic Church in Germany 
has been directed only against those elements which did not en- 
tirely submit to the ever- increasing centralization of authority in 
Church and State. To this end the Vatican helped to crush out the 
Catholic popular parties both in Italy and Germany and centralized 
all political matters in Rome. This insured to the dictators freedom 
from popular interference on the part of Catholics; it established 
a more complete dictatorial regime within the Catholic Church 
itself; it enabled the Vatican to enter into secret concordats with 
fascist countries already existing, and with democratic countries, 
like Spain, France, Belgium and Portugal, after the destruction of 
their democratic governments by revolution and blitzkrieg. Finally 
it left the way dear for complete harmony and unity between 
Nazi-Fascism and Jesuit Catholicism. 

50 Behind the Dictators 


THE FULL STORY of the rise of Nazi-Fascism has still to be 
written. When it appears it will surprise most Americans to 
discover the part played in it by the Christian Churches — 
Protestant as well as Catholic. For Nazi-Fascism was as much a 
product of the Churches as of the State, and a movement towards 
religious as well as political and social authoritarianism. European 
Catholic historians immediately recognized it as the final act in 
the Jesuit plan of counter-Reformation instituted exactly four 
hundred years before — in 1940. 

Americans will never fully understand the real aims and activi- 
ties of the Church of Rome so long as they continue to look at 
Catholicism from our American point of view. On this side of 
the Atlantic attention has been focussed mainly on attempts of a 
few "liberal" Catholic spokesmen to integrate their Church with 
the American way of life. These are sincere in thinking that Catho- 
lic authoritarianism can be reconciled with the liberal, tolerant 
principles of American democracy. But the Church of Rome has 
its roots in Europe; there its metaphysic was first established. It is 
therefore to its background and activities in Europe we must look 
if we want to judge what its real nature is. It is the policy deter- 
mined upon "beyond the Alps" in Europe that directs and guides 
the Catholic Church even in America. Well-meaning Catholic 
spokesmen in the democracies are permitted to voice their liberal 
views, but their wishful thinking has never had any effect in really 
bringing the Catholic Church into line with our American demo- 
cratic way of life. 

This issue has been bitterly fought out in Europe between Nazi- 
Fascism and the Christian churches. As far as Europe is concerned 
the fight is ended — with victory on the side of Nazi-Fascism and 
Catholic ultramontanism. In Italy, Spain, Austria, Poland, Portu- 
gal, France and Belgium, Catholicism alone was involved. In 
Germany, however, both the Protestant and Catholic Churches 

Cf. for example, the article of Rev. John F. Cronin, S. S., Rome — Ally 
of Democracy! in the magazine Common Sense for October, 1940. 

Hitler's Fight Against the Churches 51 

have played their respective parts. There the struggles were as bit- 
ter, and purges as bloody, within the Churches as within the State. 
They were more severe and bloody within Protestantism than 
Catholicism; many more liberal Protestant leaders than Catholic 
were liquidated or put out of the way in concentration camps. By- 
refusing to make any concessions to Nazism, the Evangelical Prot- 
estant Churches are said to have actually paved the way for the 
success of the "German Christian" movement. These "German 
Christians" — Protestant Fascists — professed to consider it neces- 
sary to submit to a spiritual leader in order to free Protestantism 
of liberalism and rationalism. They thus became one with the 
Catholic Fascists who, in keeping with the Catholic Action crusade 
of Pope Pius XI, were purging every taint of liberalism and democ- 
racy out of the Catholic clergy and were bringing the Catholic 
Church in Germany into line with pure Vatican absolutism. Gon- 
zague de Reynold, ardent Jesuit Catholic reformer, in his book 
L'Europe Tragique,^ states: 

"A real fight has been waged within Protestantism. The Evangelical 
Protestants refused to make any concessions and established a confes- 
sional church in opposition to that set up by the state . . . We are on 
the threshold of a religious schism. These are the final repercussions of 
the Reformation. We are witnessing a phase of dissolution [of Protes- 
tantism]. Many German Protestants believe that to reject a purely 
religious authority like the Papacy, would constitute a danger to the 
church and to Christianity." 

In order to understand what happened to the Catholic Church 
in Germany, it is necessary to go back to the time of Pope Leo XIII, 
well known for his unrelenting antagonism to the liberal constitu- 
tions of states.^ In order to counteract the increasing influence of 
19th century liberalism on Catholic countries. Pope Leo XIII urged 
on Catholic leaders throughout the world the formation of Catho- 
lic political parties. He thought that if such Catholic parties took 
an active part in parliamentary politics they would, by securing the 
balance of power, succeed in obtaining victory for the Church. He 
even hoped that these Catholic political parties would eventually 
obtain a large enough majority, by democratic means, to enable 

- P. 329. 

Cf. Great Encyclical Letters of Leo XIII — also The Converted Catholic 
for October, 1940, p. 19. 

52 Behind the Dictators 

them to seize complete control of governments. What actually 
happened, however, was the very opposite. The Catholic parties 
gradually came under the influence of their liberal opponents and 
copied many of their ideas. Thus in Italy the Catholic party became 
the "popular" liberal party headed by the now-exiled priest Don 
Sturzo; in Germany it became the liberal "Center" party. 

This liberal influence of Catholic parties became so great that 
the Holy See began to regard Catholic political trends as a grave 
danger which actually threatened the juridical and political unity 
of the Church itself. These Catholic parties became infiltrated with 
the liberal spirit of the French Revolution of 1789. The ideas of 
the rights of man, of religious tolerance, of freedom of conscience, 
of speech and press, were adopted by a great number of Catholic 
politicians and by many of the lower clergy. 

So pronounced had this trend of popular Catholic politics be- 
come in the United States, for instance, that when Alfred E. Smith 
was nominated for the Presidency in 1928, the Vatican and Catho- 
lic bishops in Europe were shocked to hear that Mr. Smith had 
been prompted by priests to proclaim these principles to be, not a 
mere matter of "favor" (as he first stated) but also a matter of 
"innate right. ""^ This was rank heresy, and, after Mr. Smith's defeat 
at the polls in 1928, the Vatican rebuked those who had advised 
the former Governor of New York to proclaim doctrines so con- 
trary to official Catholic teachings. 

By the end of the First World War, the Catholic political parties 
had begun to lose the importance which they had, in the eyes of the 
Vatican when it first brought them into being. They became so 
integrated with democratic States, founded as they were on political 
compromise, on tolerance and the idea of equality, that it was con- 
fusing to note the alliances made by some Catholic parties with 
bourgeois groups and by others with socialist groups. It had become 
apparent that the control of Catholic politics was being lost by the 
Holy See in Rome. Pope Leo XIII's plan had miscarried, and had 
proved a boomerang against the real aims of the Church as he had 
proclaimed them. Catholic political action had acquired an inde- 

Cf. Alfred E. Smith's reply to the Open Letter of the late Charles C. 
Marshall in Forum Magazine, March, 1928; also Mr. Marshall's able work 
The Roman Catholic Church in the Modern State. 

Hitlers Fight Against the Churches 53 

pendence that made it a menace to. rather than a docile instru- 
ment of, the Vatican. Liberal Catholicism, in fact, which, to all 
appearance, had received its death-blow by the decree of papal 
infallibility towards the end of the 19th century, had taken on a 
new lease of life by means of the very Catholic political parties 
which had been established and sustained by Pope Leo XIII to 
oppose the hated liberal constitutions of democratic States. 

This is how the Vatican saw it after the First World War, and 
the conclusions which it drew from its observations in the matter 
were the first steps towards the rise of what we now call Fascism. 

Many of the non-Jesuit religious orders in Germany, notably 
the Franciscans and the Benedictines, started movements which dis- 
pleased the Vatican. The "Liturgical Movement" of the Benedic- 
tines; their attempt to establish contact with the Oecumenical 
Evangelical Movement, and their effort towards a reunion of all 
Christian Churches; the attitude of the Patres Unionis ("Fathers of 
Unity") who were even prepared to modify the dogmas of papal 
infallibility and the Immaculate Conception in order to help their 
work of reunion; their open and secret negotiations with groups 
in the Anglican Church under the guidance of the late Cardinal 
Mercier — all these liberal reform movements were regarded as 
tainting the lower clergy and the intelligent laity with the heresy 
of liberalism and Protestantism. The Vatican regarded its authority 
as gravely menaced by it all, and determined to wage relentless war 
against this growing liberalism in political and spiritual matters. 

It should not be surprising that Rome became disturbed at the 
prospect of a revival of the Lutheran Reformation. It was particu- 
larly marked in Germany. Friedrich Heiler has the following to 
say on this point: 

"These recent tendencies of Catholicism have spread to a great 
extent in Germany. German Catholicism is in fact a particular kind of 
Catholicism, due to the fact that it has been subject, continually if 
not visibly, to the influence of the reformed churches of Christendom, 
and has constantly absorbed certain features belonging to Evangeli- 
cal Christianity." 

But the democratic States were the most powerful in the world 

' Professor at th 
Kirche, p. 175 et seq. 

Professor at the University of Marburg, in his work, Im Ringen um die 

54 Behind the Dictators 

at that time. The CathoHc poHtical parties had become too strong 
to be stopped by mild protests or even by encycHcal letters from 
Rome. Repressive action, carried out by the help of authoritarian 
secular regimes, was necessary. Thus the two great opposing fac- 
tions within the Catholic Church became locked again in a gigantic 
struggle: one possessing the Evangelical Catholic idea, deep-seated 
as of old in the hearts of true Christian believers; the other, the 
coldly imperial, sectarian and intransigent Roman Party, repre- 
sented by the Holy See under the domination of the Society of 

It is in the light of these facts that Hitler's "campaign against 
the churches" must be viewed. Neither Hitler nor the Jesuits could 
forgive priests and bishops in Germany who sided with the cause 
of liberalism and democracy during the Weimar Republic. It was 
against them that the acts of Catholic repression were directed. 
Hitler and Pope Pius XI acted in concert to destroy every vestige 
of liberalism in Germany: the one in social and political life, the 
other in the sphere of religion. By dissolving the Catholic Center 
Party, the Pope removed the last obstacle to Hitler's rise to power, 
and also deprived the Catholic people and clergy in Germany of 
any say-so in political matters. He had done the same for Mussolini 
in Italy by the dissolution of the Partito Popolare and the exiling 
of its priest-leader Don Sturzo. By his Catholic Action he concen- 
trated all Catholic political power in the Holy See. Thenceforth, 
the Vatican was free to make arbitrary concordats with the Fascist 

The lower clergy in Germany did not yield without a struggle. 
Many defied both Hitler and the Pope. Some priests were im- 
prisoned. Even when the pristine ardor of Cardinal Innitzer for 
Hitler and Nazi Socialism showed signs of cooling, hostility was 
engineered against him. Catholic schools, mostly under the care 
of liberal, non-Jesuit religious orders, were closed; some heads of 
these anti-Jesuit religious orders were punished for attempting to 
save their funds by smuggling them out of the country. In the 
press of America this was called "Hitler's persecution of the Catho- 
lic Church," and served to conceal the common purpose of Nazi 

Hitler's Fight Against the Churches 55 

Socialism and ultramontane Catholicism. There were some mild 
protests from Rome but no adverse action. Even the closing of 
Catholic schools in Austria went almost unprotested. These were 
regarded by the Vatican as but a small loss compared to what was 
gained by the elimination of disobedient priests and their liberal 
views. The Nazi- Vatican concordat continues to hold and function. 

With the extinction of liberal Catholicism and the imprisonment 
of liberal Protestant leaders, Vatican absolutism was triumphant. 
Of supreme satisfaction to the Jesuit Catholic faction was the 
knowledge of the apparent dissolution of Protestantism in Ger- 
many, and the fact that the pro-Nazi Protestant "German Chris- 
tians" were forced to realize, as Gonzague de Reynolds points out, 
that "to reject a purely religious authority like the papacy would 
constitute a danger to the Church and Christianity." 

56 Behind the Dictators 



ATHOLIC ACTION— the crusade for Jesuit-Catholic Re- 
form — has the following characteristics: 

1. Its direction, as laid down in Pope Pius XI's Encyclical Quadra- 

gesimo Anno, is explicitly entrusted to the Society of Jesus. 

2. Its aims are: the extermination of the hated liberal spirit of the 
19th century; the formation of a world crusade against socialism and 
communism; the success of the counter-Reformation. 

3. The means to obtain these ends are: the annihilation of the old 
Catholic political parties, which became impregnated with the "demo- 
cratic ideology, and the purging of the secular clergy, the religious 
orders and the laity in so far as they persist in holding to non-Jesuit 
opinions in matters of ecclesiastical policy. 

4. The most suitable political regime to assure the success of this 
crusade for Catholic reconstruction is the hierarchical, authoritarian 
form of the Fascist state or of Nazi Socialism. 

The secular clergy of the Catholic Church in Germany and other 
European countries have always secretly fostered a democratic 
tradition, and for many years considered it their principal task to 
live in peace with Protestantism and the liberal institutions of the 
modern world. For this reason they constituted the chief obstacle 
in the way of the Catholic Reconstruction Movement initiated by 
the late Pope Pius XL They were not friendly to the idea of the 
corporate state, to the plan of the new crusade, nor to the Vatican's 
aim to set up complete papal absolutism. Unlike the Irish-domi- 
nated clergy in America, the Catholic clergy of France and of 
Germany and other European countries have never fully identified 
the pope himself with the seat of power in Rome. They acquiesced 
in taking their religion from Rome but not their politics, nor in 
accepting the Vatican's direction of extra- spiritual matters in their 
respective countries. 

In modern times, the European Catholic clergy veered increas- 
ingly to the idea that it was advisable to encourage Christian toler- 
ance and friendly relations with all religious sects, even with those 
who belonged to no Church. Many were persuaded that the day 
would come when all the Christian Churches could be united on a 
basis of a universal Evangelical reform within the Catholic-Church. 

National Socialism and Cathouc Action 57 

This liberal reform would be aimed at the overthrow of the "juris- 
dictional" papacy, with its unscriptural, political Roman Curia and 
its claims to ecclesiastical absolutism; it would be a reform against 
papal imperialism, against Jesuit-fascist discipline and overlord- 
ship. It would aim to set up an "Evangelical" Papacy which, freed 
of political ambitions, would act as a center of Evangelical unity for 
all Churches of Christendom. This would indeed be true Catholic 
reform — a second Reformation, the setting up of Evangelical 
Catholicism. It would mean the purging of medieval accretions of 
doctrine and liturgy and. of course, the complete banishment again 
of the Jesuits from the Church and the world, as was accomplished 
by Pope Clement XIV in 1773. 

All such aims and plans for a liberal. Evangelical reform, how- 
ever, fell within the explicit condemnations of religious tolerance 
and the liberal, democratic idea by Jesuit-controlled popes during 
the past 150 years. The late General of the Jesuits, Wemz, in his 
treatise on Canon Law,' says: 

"As concerns the relations of the Catholic Church with other re- 
ligious associations, there is no doubt that all religious associations 
of unbelievers and all the Christian sects are regarded by the Catho- 
lic Church as entirely illegitimate and devoid of all right of existence. 
These organizations are formally rebels against the Church. As a 
consequence, he is in grave error who believes that the different re- 
ligious sects, such as, for example, the Anglicans, the Lutherans, the 
Orthodox Catholics, constitute legitimate parts of a universal Church 
of Christ, and that they are in some way collateral branches of the 
Catholic Church, or sister Churches." 

Against this hope for true Catholic, reform that would have 
brought about a tolerant. Evangelical Catholic Christian Church, 
the Jesuits swept the field for an absolutely totalitarian set-up in 
Catholicism to go hand-in-hand with the Nazi-Fascist regime in the 
secular order. On their side they had Hitler himself who, as far as 
condemnation of religious tolerance is concerned, has always 
shown himself to be a better Catholic than the ordinary European 
priest and many bishops. In Mein Kampf he upholds and approves 
of the dogmatic intolerance of the Vatican party in the Catholic 
Church; like the Jesuits he regards religious tolerance as an effective 
instrument for the establishment and support of the liberal aims 

1 Cf. his Jus Decretalium. Vol. 1. p. 13. 

58 Behind the Dictators 

of the Jews and Freemasons;' his chief cause of complaint against 
the clergy of the Center Party in Germany was that they had 
allowed themselves to become convinced of the idea of tolerance, 
and that they had made alliances with these deadly enemies of 
the Christian religion; he holds that his principal task is the com- 
batting of this deplorable situation from which religion has suf- 
fered so much. He also condemns Protestantism for persisting in 
its tolerant attitude towards Judaism; he adds, however, that 

"the believing Protestant who belongs to National Socialism could exist 
side by side with the fervent Catholic without his religious convictions 
being in any way affected thereby". 

This yielding of Catholics to the liberal tendencies of religious 
tolerance was regarded by the Jesuits as the "Protestantizing" of 
Catholicism; to correct this they deemed that drastic, punitive 
measures were imperative. The late Jesuit Cardinal Billot expresses 
true Jesuit contempt for this yielding of the secular clergy to liber- 
alizing tendencies, and also advocates the severity that should be 
meted out to them, when he speaks of 

"the poor little parish priests who fill the greater part of our religious 
magazines and periodicals with their speeches, seeking thereby to create 
a new apologetic to take the place of the miracles which the 20th cen- 
tury no longer understands. There are but two replies to make to this: 
the first is the whip . . ." ^ 

This is in perfect keeping with Mussolini's symbol of the fasces 
or bundle of rods, such as he and his Nazi partner have so ruth- 
lessly employed to scourge Europe of every vestige of liberty and 
tolerance. Thus, Hitler's program of Catholic "repression" is but 
the carrying out of the Jesuit punitive measures, and a part of the 
plan for Catholic reform against those members of the Catholic 
clergy in all countries who have opposed Jesuit hegemony over 
Catholic affairs.^ 

Catholic Action, like Nazi-Fascism, ostensibly started out as a 
crusade against Godless communism which, the Jesuits say, is but 

" German edition, p. 345. 

I Ib„ p. 294. " lb., p. 632. 

Die erste ist die Peitsche . . ." in Hugo Koch's Katholizismus und 
Jesuitismus. p. 53. 

The German bishops, the Catholic Popular Association and the Center 
Party opposed the re-entry of the Jesuits into Germany in 1910. Because of 
this the Jesuits regarded the German bishops as "recalcitrants"; cf Hoens- 
broech. The Jesuit Order, p. 248. 

National Socialism and Catholic Action 59 

the radical application of the Protestant principle of the separation 
of Church and State. They hold that communism is the extreme of 
Protestantism predicted by the Jesuits since their founding by 
Ignatius Loyola to fight the Reformation of Martin Luther, and is 
the result of the wrong principle that the internal life of the indi- 
vidual is the only place where he should be allowed to seek satis- 
faction for his religious needs. The Jesuits therefore launched their 
new offensive principally against Soviet Russia, the first country 
since the Wars of Religion that seriously threatened to undermine 
their work of counter-Reformation. They have found it more 
menacing to their aims than Protestant England was in the 16th 
and 17th centuries. By completely separating the State from the 
influence of all forms of religion, the communists have tried to 
make religion a purely private matter and by this means to effect 
the complete liberation of the individual and the conduct of civil 
affairs from all ecclesiastical influences. Because of this, the Jesuits 
identify Protestantism and democracy with socialism and commun- 
ism and seek to destroy them together with all movements to the 
left of Fascism and Nazism. 

Catholic Action, similar to Nazi-Fascism, will not be content 
with any half-hearted reform in Catholicism. Just as a brutal war 
campaign against democratic nations has been deemed necessary 
in Nazi-Fascist policy, so a brutal cleansing within the church, 
even at the risk of some loss to Catholicism as a whole, is a neces- 
sary part of the Jesuit program of Catholic Reconstruction. Gon- 
zague de Reynold, one of the most ardent zealots of the movement, 
whom we have already quoted in these pages, frankly admits that 
the wiping out of these Protestant tendencies (liberalism and 
socialism) constitutes the first problem of religion, namely, of 
Roman Catholicism, and that the new "Christian regime" which 
will come about as a result of this desired Catholic Reconstruction 
of the social order, will have to be Fascist, since, as he says, "Fas- 
cism has been the only successful attempt to create a new regime." 
The Italian socialist, L. Segni, confirms this when he states that 

"Fascism is an epiphenomenon in keeping with the evolution of the 
Catholic Church as directed by the tactics of the Jesuits." 

Cf. L'Europe Tragique, p. 93. 

In his book, L'Esprit du Fascisme, p. 15 et seq. 

60 Behind the Dictators 



NOWHERE has Catholic Action shown itself more in line 
with Nazi-Fascism than in Belgium where Leon Degrelle's 
Rexist Party in 1940 came into its own. Pope Pius XI gave 
the Jesuit slogan Christus Rex — "Christ the King" — to Catholic 
Action as the battle-cry for its crusade for Catholic Reconstruction 
of the social order. The same cry. Viva Christo Rey, was used by 
Franco's Fascists in their war against the legitimate Republican 
government of Spain. It was the war cry of the fanatic Mexican 
Indians who were spurred on by the Jesuits to commit acts of 
sabotage against the Republican government of Mexico. It was 
also the cry of the Spanish Rebel officers who, with the help of 
their Moorish troops, tortured, violated and slaughtered nearly 
15,000 men, women and children at Badajos. 

The Rexists in Belgium claimed the honor of being the first 
fruits of Catholic Action, the "Christian Fronters" of Belgium. 
Their leader, Leon Degrelle — the Belgian peasants nicknamed 
him "Adolf Degrelle — was won over to the movement by Mon- 
signor Picard, when he was a student at the University of Louvain. 
He and all his assistants are products of Jesuit training.' He became 
the great "lay apostle" of Catholic Action in the Jesuit drive to 
align the Catholic Church with Nazi-Fascist plans for the "new 
order" in Europe after the destruction of liberalism and democracy. 

As the scope of Degrelle's activities increased, his Christ-the- 
King movement was temporarily separated from Catholic Action 
in Belgium with the consent of the hierarchy. This maneuver was 
designed to give the Rexists greater liberty of action to work out 
Nazi-Fascist policies. Thereupon the apparently independent "Rex- 
ist Popular Front" was set up, ostensibly to fight "Jewish Com- 
munism," much on the same lines as Father Coughlin's "Christian 
Front" in America. Degrelle's chief officer was the White Russian 

This slogan is from the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius Loyola, founder 
of the Jesuits. 

"Leon Degrelle is a pupil of these gentlemen [the Jesuits]; so also are 
all his colleagues." — R. A. Dior, in Le Vatican, Paris, 1937, p. 42. 

Rexism AND Catholic Action 61 

Denizoff, who was Secretary to the last President of the Council 

in the Czarist regime. Today Degrelle is Hitler's right-hand man in 

Nazi-occupied Belgium where no signs of disagreement are appar- 

ent between the Catholic hierarchy and the Nazi invaders. He has 

organized his own storm troopers, formations de combat he calls 

them, and is fast bringing Belgium into close collaboration with 

Hitler's new order. In a heavily censored dispatch from Liege to 

the New York Times on January 6, 1941, Degrelle said: 

"We must make our choice now. We have faith in the Fuehrer as the 
greatest man of our times. Trust his spirit, his genius, and have faith 
in the Europe which he will build up. The youth of all Europe is today 
fighting shoulder to shoulder for a new order under German leadership. 
German weapons will win because they are defending a just cause 
Hitler saved Europe, and Belgium's future could [several words missing] 
cooperation with the Reich." 

There never was any secret about Degrelle's collaboration with 
Hitler. In its issue of May 20, 1936, the Paris newspaper Le Temps 
called attention to the close relationship between the Rexist Party 
and Hitler's National Socialism, and shortly before the Belgian 
elections in May, 1936, Degrelle went to Germany to "study" Nazi 
propaganda methods. After the example of the German Fuehrer 
(and Father Coughlin) he sought to gather around him all the 
discontented elements of the middle class. In imitation of Goeb- 
bels, he curried favor with the workers by appearing to side with 
strikers. The chief point of comparison, however, between Rexism 
and Nazi-Fascism is that both declared war on Catholic liberal 
tendencies, among both the clergy and the laity, with the aim of 
setting up the Jesuit, authoritarian control of Catholic activities. 
This was the real reason why Catholic Action was instituted by 
Pope Pius XI. 

It is not out of place to repeat the underlying reasons for this 
desire to abolish all pre-Hitler Catholic politics throughout Europe 
— a thing the Jesuits for many years had ardently longed to see 
accomplished. As already pointed out, the old Catholic political 

In their joint pastoral letter of October. 1940, the Catholic bishops of 
Belgium instructed their people as follows: "It is doubtless necessary to 
recognize the occupying power as a de facto power and to obey it within 
the limits of international conventions." (Quoted from the Jesuit magazine 
America, Feb. 22, 1941.) 

62 Behind the Dictators 

parties had become intimately bound up with the Hberal constitu- 
tions of States, wherein all parties and religions were able to 
coexist freely. Furthermore, the ideology of the liberal democratic 
State, with its principles of religious and racial tolerance, was 
broadening the political and social outlook of these Catholic 
parties. The fraternizing of the secular clergy with the laity in 
these political parties furthered the spirit of tolerance as opposed 
to the traditional intolerance of Catholic dogma. 

On the other hand, it must also be remembered that in Ger- 
many the two Catholic political parties, the Center Party and the 
Bavarian Popular Party, because of their close religious connections 
with the Catholic Church, had met with strong opposition from 
the Protestant part of the population. As a consequence, the con- 
tinued existence of these parties threatened to compromise the aim 
of Catholic Action, which was to use Germany as the instrument 
to effect its counter-Reformation designs. It was thus necessary for 
the new Catholic policy to camouflage itself as a national move- 
ment, and make itself appear as the only party representing the 
nation as a whole. 

It can thus be seen why the abolition of the pre-Hitler Catholic 
political parties in Germany had the approval of the movement 
for Catholic Reconstruction. Here is what Gonzague de Reynold 
has to say on the point:"^ 

"The Center Party, which Hitler fought with all his might, was 
forced to commit suicide. But it was a party which had already shown 
signs of deterioration, which had made many mistakes and upon which 
the young people were turning their backs . . . The news that soon they 
could take part in real Catholic Action, without any addition of party 
politics, aroused great enthusiasm." 

For the very same reason the Rexist Party in Belgium, direct off- 
spring of Catholic Action, likewise declared: 

"All Catholic parties are the result of a fixed historical situation, 
and have advantages and disadvantages for the Church. "When these 
historical situations cease to exist. Catholic parties lose their reason 
for existence. This applies equally to the Catholic party in Belgium. Up 
till now differing opinions could be had as to their usefulness and their 
right to existence. Today, however, they are anarchronisms, as were the 
Center Party in Germany and the Popular Party in Italy. 

"The Catholic Party did not understand the new 'historic mission'; 


Cf. L'Europe Tragique, p. 333. 

Rexism and Catholic Action 63 

the confessional movement did not transform itself into a national 
movement. Because of these deficiencies it had to disappear hke all 
other parties. The Rexist Party will now take up the defense of Catholic 
and ecclesiasiteal interests. It does not only intend to defend the Church, 
but also to take the whole religious question out of politics. It will effect 
this by means of the Constitutional guarantee of the rights of the 
Catholic Church and by drawing up a concordat to regulate the relations 
between the State and the Church." 

Thus, according to this new Cathohc pohcy, there is to be no 
apparent separation between CathoUc Action and the Nazi-Fascist 
thrust for the estabUshment of its "new order" in Europe. To the 
Rexist Party was assigned the task of regulating the relations 
between the Catholic Church and the Fascist State in Belgium by 
means of a concordat, as was done in Germany through Von Papen 
and the present Pope Pius XII, then papal nuncio to Germany.. 
This "new historic mission" of the Church of Rome, initiated by 
the Lateran Pact and Concordat of 1929 between the Vatican and 
Fascist Italy, calls for collaboration with the Nazi-Fascist dictators, 
unhampered by any questioning or interference from the people 
or the lower clergy. Liberal principles and popular freedom have 
to be crushed out as completely in the Church as in the State. 

"We in America are only now beginning to see clearly how the 
noose was formed to strangle all forms of liberalism and democ- 
racy in pre-Hitler Europe, in order to make way for the Nazi- 
Fascist hierarchical grouping of nations and individuals in a sort 
of revived Roman Empire of the German Nation. And the real 
motivating force behind it all has been the thrust of the Jesuit 
counter-Reformation, ante-dating all the dictators, which aimed 
to crush out of existence the hated liberal principles of the Protes- 
tant democracies. It has indeed been an ungodly combination that 
worked together to accomplish this objective: Catholic Reconstruc- 
tion movement of Pius XI; Italian Fascism; Hitler's National 
Socialism; French anti-Semitic Leagues; La Roque and the Cagoul- 
ards; Belgian Rexism; the Hungarian racist movement of Father 
Bangha; white Russian association; Croatian associations — whose 
hand appeared in the assassination of King Alexander of Serbia 
and French Foreign Minister Barthou; Slovene separatists led by 

^ Cf. Vaterland. Lucerne, Aug. 14, 1936. 

64 Behind the Dictators 

the Jesuit Father Anton Koroshetz, who worked his way to the 
Presidency of the senate in Yugoslavia; the CathoHc prelates and 
politicians of old Austria — Mgr. Seipel, DoUfuss, Schussnigg, et 
al.; the priest-politicians of Slovakia, Carpatho-Ukraine and Bo- 
hemia — Fathers Hlinka and Tiso; not forgetting Franco and his 
Fascist Generals in Spain and the Laval-Petain cliques in France. 

All of these worked closely together and were interlinked with 
the Catholic Church in working towards the same end — the 
destruction of the post-Reformation structure of Europe and the 

But the end is not yet. 

Pro-Germanism of Pius XII 65 


IT IS NOT generally known that the reasons which led the 
Allies to exclude the pope from the Peace Conference after 
the First World War were connected with the activities of 
Monsignor Eugenic Pacelli, later Pope Pius XII. 


Monsignor Pacelli's life has been divided between his native 
Italy and Germany where he spent twelve crucial years. Nuncio 
in Munich in 1917, he has dealt with the Kaiser and with the 
Republic, with revolutionary committees and Nazi conspirators. 
He was a friend of Friedrich Ebert, first president of the German 
Republic, and an intimate of Germany's monumental Hindenburg 
under whose presidency he concluded a concordat with Prussia. 
He witnessed Hitler's tempestuous beginnings in Munich and 
the machinations of his agents in Berlin. Viscount d'Abemon, 
Britain's first ambassador to the Weimar Republic, in his Memoirs 
calls Pacelli "the best informed man in the Reich." 

His mission in Munich in 1917 was not the starting point of his 
German career. Even before the first world war, Monsignor Pacelli 
had been Papal State Secretary Gasparri's most trusted expert on 
German affairs. It was no mere chance that in the very first months 
of the war he was stationed in Switzerland where he started with 
great devotion, tact and zeal, a truly Christian and humanitarian 
movement — the exchange of prisoners of "war. Yet, while there he 
had frequent contacts with the Kaiser's propaganda chief, his old 
acquaintance Matthias Erzberger, for years a leading member of 
the Reichstag's Catholic Center Party. It was with Matthias Erz- 
berger in Switzerland that Pacelli engaged in the negotiations 
which deeply shocked Italy's liberal Government, and which ac- 

* This article was published in The Converted Catholic Magazine for 
April 1943. The author, Pierre L'Ourson, was for many years connected 
with the League of Nanons in a responsible diplomatic capacity. 

66 Behind THE Dictators 

counted largely for its opposition to the Vatican's participation in 
the peace settlement. 

All his life Eugenio Pacelli has taken an active part in one of 
the most secret and complex intrigues of our time: the patient 
struggle of the papacy to regain and extend its temporal power. 
In this struggle, for the last seventy years, whenever a major issue 
of international politics was at stake, the Vatican has hitched its 
star to the Germanic juggernaut. 


The Lateran Treaty in 1929 between the Vatican and Mussolini 
restored the sovereignty of the pope and allied the Vatican to the 
Italian Fascist Government. It also brought about a world-wide 
coordination of authoritarian powers of the corporative and na- 
tionalistic type, and the eventual entrance of Italy into the camp 
of Nazi Germany. Thus in 1940, after the fall of France and the 
proclamation of Marshal Petain's Fascist French State, it looked 
as if in the present World War Vatican policy had gained substan- 
tial progress where it had failed in the previous one. 

At the end of this war, when delegates of all countries will 
gather in an international peace conference, the pope, for the first 
time in more than a hundred years, will again be represented as a 
ruling monarch — ^provided that his miniature State is still intact. 
He expects to exercise considerable authority, although as a tem- 
poral ruler his influence will be less than that of Pope Pius VII at 
the Congress of Vienna in 1815. Today, as Chief of State of Vati- 
can City he possesses only a formal, juridical status. But he will 
have real power because of his self-assumed status as "Chief of 
Christendom," a notion cleverly introduced, for more than ten 
years, into public international discussions and, after centuries of 
obliteration, re-admitted even in non-Catholic countries. As "Chief 
of Christendom," the pope would take rank above all other Chiefs 
of State — just as the papal nuncio on the continent of Europe as 
well as in Latin America automatically becomes "dean" of the 
diplomatic corps. 

Pro-Germanism of Pius XII 67 


The idea of a Chief of Christendom, himself also a Chief of 
State, presiding over an assembly of Chiefs of State, is a medieval 
conception which has no 
place in our twentieth-cen- ^ 
tury democratic world. It 
has been revived for politi- 
cal reasons, and unless de- 
nounced, will prove a dan- 
gerous challenge to free- 
dom and progress. For just 
as the equality of individu- 
als, the equality of nations 
is a fundamental principle 
of democracy. 

To recognize one Chief 
of State as senior and per- 
manent hierarchical chief 
of all other States would 
be to set up an authoritari- 
an world monarchy, even 
though the term 'mon- 
archy' may not be used. 
„ . . . ". . . has always been known for his 

Caesar Augustus m ancient g^o^g German leanings," says his official 
Rome refused the unpopu- Catholic biographer, Kees van Hoek. 

lar title of king and pre- 

ferred to be called "Imperator," a dignity which the Roman Re- 
public used to bestow temporarily upon a Supreme Commander 
appointed in a national emergency. Hitler played the same trick in 
Germany. It would have been easy for him to have had himself 
crowned Emperor. Instead, he found it more expedient to leave 
the Constitution of the Weimar Republic legally in force and to 
assume the less conspicuous name of Fuehrer or Leader — the 
"Mein Fuehrer" standing for the old-fashioned "Your Majesty" 
or "Sire." 

Protestant nations, it is to be hoped, will not accept this new 
international slogan of a "Chief of Christendom" which the Holy 




68 Behind the Dictators 

See is trying to smuggle into general acceptance. Whatever the 
illusions of clerical politicians who believe in the re-establishment 
of the supra-national rule of the papacy, their schemes are bound to 
work to the advantage of imperialist Germany. 

Recent statements by Mr. Elmer Davis as well as Vatican diplo- 
matic activity seem to indicate that the Axis Powers are seeking 
the mediation of the Holy See. If the Government of the Protestant 
Kaiser tried to enlist the support of the Vatican, there is no reason 
why Hitler's predominantly Catholic Greater Germany should 
refrain from appealing to the pope, now that even the most fanati- 
cal Nazis can no longer hope to conclude the war by a crushing 
Axis victory. The last time the pope's collaboration in post-war 
arrangements was made impossible by Article 15 of the Secret 
Treaty of London between Italy and the Allies. This explicit ex- 
clusion of the pope from the Peace Conference has ever since 
been branded by Catholic politicians as a villainous maneuver of 
international Freemasonry. They still point to the absence of a 
delegate of the Holy See at Versailles and Neuilly in 1919 as the 
deeper cause for the failure of the Peace Treaties and of the 
League of Nations. 


The real history of Article 15 of the Treaty of London and the 
reasons for the exclusion of the pope from the Peace Conference 
have never been fully understood in this country. The American 
public does not know that Italy demanded and that the Allies 
agreed upon the exclusion of the pope from the future peace set- 
tlement because they had evidence that some of the most prominent 
clericals at the Holy See were favoring the Central Powers, and 
had for months discussed and planned a secret German proposal 
to reconstitute in Rome a Papal State with internationally guar- 
anteed access to the sea. 

Only in face of the irrefutable fact that, in the midst of a terrible 
war, Vatican politicans were abusing the Christian peace apostolate 
of the Supreme Pontiff to further their temporal interests and to 
extend their power, even at the expense of their native land — 
these papal politicians were all Italians — did the Allies agree to 

Pro-Germanism of Pius XII 69 

Italy's demand. Although from the beginning of the war it was 
obvious that the sympathies of the Vatican could not be with 
Protestant England, anti-clerical France and Orthodox Russia, 
Allied statesmen — some of them devout Catholics — found it hard 
to believe that papal diplomacy would place its political interests 
before those of millions of French and Belgian Catholics who 
had become victims of German aggression. 


The story of Germany's collaboration with the Vatican in the 
last war has been told, as so often before, by a devout Roman 
Catholic who had himself been on the inside of the intrigue and 
who, vain by nature and bitter from disappointment, spoke out 
when he felt that he had been abandoned by his former associates. 
Our witness is none other than Matthias Erzberger, leading mem- 
ber of the Catholic Center Party, militant German imperialist in 
1914, Germany's foreign propaganda chief until 1917 when he 
promoted the Reichstag's famous peace resolution. Imperial 
Under-Secretary of State, leader of the German armistice delega- 
tion. Minister of Finance and one of the Fathers of the Weimar 
Republic. He was assassinated in 1921 by young German nation- 
alists, a few months after the publication of his outspoken book. 
My Experiences in the World War. 


One of Erzberger's chief objectives was to secure diplomatic 
immunity and extra-territorial rights for the Holy See. As early 
as October, 1914, a few weeks after his appointment as chief of 
foreign propaganda, he suggested the establishment of a small 
neutral Papal State in that part of Rome which lies on the left 
bank of the Tiber, with a corridor to the sea and a port. His negoti- 
ations finally led to a draft treaty "regarding the recognition of the 
temporal power of the Pope." This treaty, he says, had the approval 
of "competent personalities of the German Foreign Office." The 
first version was submitted by Erzberger and his friends in Vatican 

Erlebnisse im Weltkrieg, von Reichsfinanzminister A. D. Matthias Erz- 
berger, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart & Berhn, 1920. 

70 Behind the Dictators 

circles in the beginning of 1915. It was formulated with character- 
istic thoroughness. 

The following extracts of this secret treaty are from Erzberger's 
book (pages 127ff.): 

Article I 

The temporal power of the Pope is recognized by the High Contracting 
Powers as extending over a territory including Vatican Hill and a strip 
of land connecting it with the Tiber and with the railroad to Viterbo and 
to be designated as Church State . . . 

Article II 
The church State is permanently independent and neutral. Its independ- 
ence and neutrahty are guaranteed by the High Contracting Powers. 

Article III 

Sovereign of the Church State to the Pope. 

During the vacancy of the Apostolic Chair the sovereignty is exercised 
by the College of Cardinals. 

Article IV 
Citizens of the Church State are: Papal legates, nunzios and inter- 
nunzios, members of the Papal Court, officials of the administrations and 
palaces of the Church State, members of the Palace guards as well as 
ecclesiastics permanently residing in the Church State . . . 

Article V 

The Kingdom of Italy pledges to render the Tiber navigable for ocean- 
going ships with draught of five meters, along the border of the Church 
State and thence to the sea, within two years from the ratification of the 
present treaty. 

Papal ships can at all times navigate on the Tiber to and from the sea 
without being subject to the authority of the Italian State. Should Italy 
be at war or should it, for other reasons, deem necessary to close the Tiber 
waterway to general traffic, a channel is to be kept open for Papal ships, 
and river pilots are to be placed at their disposal. 

Papal ships shall be treated by the High Contracting Powers as extra- 
territorial in peace and in war and not subject to interference by a foreign 
power . . . 
Article VI 

The Kingdom of Italy will pay to the Holy See within six months 
after the ratification of the present Treaty the sum of 500,000,000 Lire, to 
cover the cost of the Papal Court and of the administration of he Church 

Article VII 

The sovereignty of the Church State includes finances and jurisdiction. 

Article VIII 

Diplomatic representatives of foreign powers accredited to the Holy See 
enjoy within the territory of the Kingdom of Italy the same privileges and 

Pro-Germanism OF Pius XII 71 

exemptions as diplomatic representatives of the same rank accredited to 
the Kingdom of Italy ... In case of a state of war or a break in diplomatic 
relations between the Power they represent and the Kingdom of Italy, 
they have to take residence in the Church State . . . 

Article IX 

The High Contracting Powers, after the ratification of the present 
Treaty, will invite all those powers which are not signatories of this treaty 
to recognize the temporal power of the Pope over the territories desig- 
nated in Article I as well as the extra-territorial status af Papal ships 
as provided in Article V. 
Article X 

This Treaty shall be ratified as soon as possible. 

Ratification documents will be deposited with the Holy See. 

The Treaty enters into force on the day on which ratification docu- 
ments have been deposited. 

It is not astonishing that the liberal Government of Italy should 
have resented this planned infringement of their country's sover- 
eignty by Germany and the Vatican. Nor was this all. Germany has 
never given without receiving. Only indirectly does Herr Erzberger 
inform his readers of the assistance which Germany had received 
and was to receive from the Holy See. 


After Italy entered the war on the side of the Allies, Erzberger, 
as the Kaiser's chief of propaganda, organized in collaboration 
with an emissary of the Papal Secretary of State, an International 
Catholic Committee in which each country was represented by five 
or seven delegates. Its object was to urge upon all belligerents that 
the territorial independence and the political freedom of the Holy 
See should be guaranteed in the future peace. This International 
Catholic Committee and several of its sub-committees met repeat- 
edly in Switzerland and Holland. Its chief purpose was to explain 
the German viewpoint to the world. Erzberger tells us that the 
high official of the Roman Curia with whom he negotiated in 
Switzerland was in charge of the exchange of prisoners of war. He 
was Monsignor Eugenio Pacelli, the present Pope Pius XII. 


Negotiations between Erzberger and Pacelli continued through- 
out 1916. In June of that year Erzberger was "asked by the German 

72 Behind the Dictators 

Secretary of State to inform the Vatican tliat tlie German Govern- 
ment was willing to accept the good services of the Pope in the 
matter of peace and would appreciate them." He at once consulted 
with his "friend, the representative of the Papal Secretary of State 
in Switzerland" [Pacelli], who believed that the time had come 
for "winning the peace." But after the Vatican peace move had 
produced its first results, it was checked by a parallel intervention 
of the German Foreign Office through Spain. The results which 
Berlin wished to obtain in 1916 were only of a diplomatic and 
psychological nature. Germany was in fact merely trying to disin- 
tegrate the home front of the Allies and to obtain a clear picture 
of the political situation in the Allied camp. The Papal peace 
move thus suited the Kaiser's purpose. 

In 1917, after Eugenio Pacelli had been appointed nuncio in 
Munich, Wilhelm II became more outspoken in his demands. 
According to Pope Pius XII's official biography by Kees van Hoek 
(published in London in 1939 by Bums, Oates & Washburn, Ltd., 
publishers to the Holy See), the Kaiser told Monsignor Pacelli 
"that the Pope should mobilize the Episcopate all over the world in 
a moral peace offensive and begin by using his special influence on 
Catholic States by promoting [a separate] peace between Italy and 


Erzberger's propaganda mission ended shortly after Pacelli had 
taken up residence in Germany. With laudable frankness Erzberger 
tells us (page 7) that he had been assisted by "a number of Jesuit 
priests who rendered us extremely valuable services in enlightening 
foreign countries." Nor were these propaganda activities limited 
to Catholic circles. It should be of interest to Protestants in America 
to discover that this prominent Roman Catholic politician, working 
hand in glove with the highest dignitaries of the pope, also organ- 
ized what was known as "Weekly Evangelical Letters." These 
letters were edited by Dr. Deissmann, Professor of Protestant 
theology at the University of Berlin and were addressed especially 
to American Protestants. "Professor Deissmann," says Erzberger, 
"was very skillful in drawing up his mailing lists . . . We adapted 
the contents of these letters deliberately to American interests . . . 

Pro-Germanism of Pius XII 73 

Professor Deissmann had reason to be satisfied with the response. 
The Secretary General of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ 
in America, representing thirty evangelical church organizations 
with 125,000 communities, maintained close relations with him." 
This gentleman might not have done so, had he known that these 
"Weekly Evangelical Letters" were financed and — in the last in- 
stance — directed by propaganda chief Erzberger and his Jesuit 

Erzberger's assassination in 1921 had been planned for some 
time. The young fanatics who killed him were only the instruments 
of others who wished to eliminate this man who knew too much, 
who already had said too much and who had been too closely 
connected with events in which the promoters of the present World 
War saw Germany's humiliation. 


Monsignor Pacelli's stay in Germany lasted in all more than 
twelve years. He was in Munich under the short-lived Bavarian 
Soviet Republic which he fought, and at the time of Hitler's first 
putsch in 1923. When France occupied the industrial Ruhr Valley 
because Germany refused to continue reparations payments, the 
Nunzio, though not accredited to Prussia, ostentatiously flew from 
the Bavarian capital to Duesseldorf in the Prussian Rhineland, and 
induced his friend Achille Ratti, then Pope Pius XI, to publish an 
open condemnation of the "Ruhr adventure." In 1925 he obtained 
a concordat with Bavaria, a concordat with Prussia in 1929, after 
his appointment as nuncio in Berlin, and in 1933 the famous con- 
cordat with the whole of Hitler's Germany. 

"Cardinal Pacelli," wrote Kees van Hoek, his official Catholic 
biographer, in 1939, "has always been known for his strong Ger- 
man leanings." 

Thus it is that Germans and Italians now have good reasons for 
looking forward hopefully to Pius XII's mediation on their behalf. 
For his past history shows that, instead of condemning Hitler 
whom he knew well during the seven years of his stay in Munich, 
he negotiated a concordat with the Nazis just as he tried to nego- 
tiate one with the Kaiser's Germany during the last war. He 

74 Behind the Dictators 

fears German radicals as much as his predecessor feared the bol- 
sheviks. Like Pius XI, he is connected with the Fascist bourgeoisie 
through his family. His uncle, a famous banker, was the founder 
and guiding spirit of the Banco di Roma, one of Italy's greatest 
banks and investment houses. His brother, Francesco Pacelli, who 
drafted the Lateran Treaty with Fascism, had more than a hundred 
secret conferences with Mussolini before the treaty was signed. 

The Papacy undoubtedly can and will survive the present Fascist 
set-up in Italy, but in the lifetime of Eugenio Pacelli it will continue 
to support Italy's vested interests and will continue to remain pro- 
German under any kind of a regime, provided it is not anti- 

Today, Papal diplomacy is again busy behind the scenes. Judging 
by its record in the last war and by the personal leanings of the 
present Pope and his Jesuit advisers, the Curia is not the disinter- 
ested and elevated tribunal which it is made to appear to Ameri- 
cans. The Pope, too, has a political axe to grind. 

By propagating the idea that the Pope as "Chief of Christen- 
dom" is to be dean and arbiter in the future peace conference, 
clerical politicians, however, may render disservice to their cause. 
Protestants as well as Orthodox Catholics, who do not believe in 
any "Chief of Christendom," might come to learn that the Allies in 
London in 1915, after all, were not so ill-advised. 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 75 


A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 

By Leopold Mannaberg, Ph.D. 

THE AUTHOR of this article, who has worked all his life in 
Central Europe as a Civil Engineer and industrial leader, obtained 
his degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Heidel- 
berg, Germany. His position and personal connections afforded 
him an excellent opportunity to follow closely the events of the 
past twenty-five years. 

This article was cabled to Moscow and reproduced in the newspapers 
there on February 8, 1944, to substantiate Soviet Russia's accusation of 
the pro-Fascism of the Vatican. It was also published in pamphlet form 
under the title: "Vatican Power Pohtics in Europe," and received wide 
publicity in the press of the United States and England. 

EVEN WHEN VICTORY for the United Nations was still a 
long way off, scores of books and sundry publications had 
piled up with plans for the post-war economic, political 
and moral reconstruction of Europe. This lively discussion of the 
problem by Americans is proof of the spreading conviction that 
the future of Europe is of no less importance to America than it is 
to Europe itself. 

From many of the contributions to the subject in question, how- 
ever, one is likely to get the impression that continental Europe is 
so deeply depraved, that a state of lasting peace cannot be achieved 
unless the reconstruction is preceded by a great deal of political 
and social demolition. I venture to assert that this picture is much 
too dark. I believe that most of Europe is healthy enough to make 
its own future. This belief is based partly upon my personal ex- 
perience, but principally on the display of resistance to the oppres- 

76 Behind the Dictators 

sors put up by the ailing body politic after years of horror and 
torture. The Civil War in Spain gave us splendid evidence of the 
brave and healthy spirit of the Spanish people. From the very 
beginning of World War II we have seen everywhere on the 
continent of Europe the people's will to resist flaring up in the 
very face of death. This is not the reaction of a depraved spirit, 
nor of a body succumbing to a fatal disease. Therefore I say that 
many of the plans for reconstruction are unnecessarily radical and 
some of them even dangerous. 

Take for instance the suggestion contained in The Problems of 
Lasting Peace by Herbert Hoover and H. Gibson, that in some 
cases the problem of mixed border peoples "may have to be solved 
by the heroic remedy of transfer of populations." I think this 
remedy not at all heroic but on the contrary almost barbarous. 
Besides it is useless, because borders with mixed peoples are the 
rule and not the exception, as the heroic remedy seems to imply. 
The best and most obvious thing to do is to abolish the borders 

For the reorganization of Europe a firm hand and common 
sense are more essential than far-reaching schemes. Let us bear in 
mind that the peoples of Europe have borne the brunt of the 
attack aimed at the whole world. They stumbled and fell because 
the world failed to back them up. They have had their full share 
of turmoil and agony; what they need now is rest. They went 
through a nightmare of injustice and lawlessness; what they need 
now is justice and law. They fell victims to terror and extortion; 
provide them with adequate protection from both and the peace 
will last. 

At the present time more than a dozen European nations are 
anxiously waiting for liberation. As they differ, more or less, in 
their political organization and social structure, the builders of 
lasting peace will see, in each of them, a different facet of the 
problem. That is the reason why only general rules for the making 
of peace can be traced beforehand. But there is one principle of 
general validity: the shortest and quickest way to peace is likely 
to be the best one. 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 77 


IT IS NOW GENERALLY agreed that post-war Europe will 
have to be protected by some kind of superstate roofing, covering 
all countries, as a guarantee of their common pledge for a good 
neighbor policy. It should not be a talkative super-parliament such 
as the League of Nations which talked its head off before acting, 
but a sober and rigid court for the arbitration of international 
quarrels — a watchdog of peace, barking at any aggressive shadow 
and biting the enemy if need be. It must be the military head- 
quarters of Europe's liberty, with an international police force at 
its disposal, strong enough to crush any atttempt at aggression 
within the disarmed Continent. 

The installation of this European fire engine must be accom- 
panied or preceded by a thorough house-cleaning, in order to 
ensure its effectiveness. Attics must be cleared of all inflammable 
materials in order to make fire-fighting measures effective. The 
continent of Europe badly needs such a house cleaning, since on the 
premises there is a factory of explosives, not recognizable as such, 
and therefore all the more dangerous to a peaceful development 
of the European commonwealth. 

I refer to the Vatican, headquarters of the Papacy. 

This disclosure may come as a shock, and no wonder. Ameri- 
cans are acquainted with only one face of the pope, his spiritual 
authority over an ancient and beautiful church. But we Europeans 
have become familiar, by history and experience, with another 
aspect of the pope, namely, as the chief of an international politi- 
cal organization admittedly anti-democratic and anti-liberal. The 
traditional trend of the Vatican's policy was confirmed anew by 
the 1943 New Year's message of Pope Pius XII. It contained not 
a single word of sympathy for the cause of the United Nations 
but, on the other hand, did not refrain from the usual attack on 
socialism and communism. This occurred at a moment when our 
deadly struggle against the Axis needed the support of all men 
of good-will, without any political or religious discrimination. 
Aimed at our ally, the Soviet Union, the attack of the pope was 
without doubt an unfriendly act to the cause of the United Nations. 

78 Behind the Dictators 

This unfriendly attitude was made still more clear and definite 
by the official announcement of the pope's "strict neutrality" in 
the war. Ostentatiously made on the occasion of a Japanese am- 
bassador's presentation to the Vatican in the Fall of 1942, it was 
intended obviously for the consumption of the American public, 
as an excuse for the Vatican's friendly relations with the Japanese 
government. Qui s'excuse, s'accuse. This ill-timed display of 
friendliness towards Japan amounted to another challenge to the 
United Nations. Contrasting the moral standard of the Axis 
powers with the moral principles preached by the Catholic Church, 
we can say that the pope, in making his declaration of neutrality, 
was driven by his political zeal so far as to slap his own religious 

There have been many other occasions when the sympathies of 
the Vatican with the Axis were plainly revealed. As for instance 
its attitude toward the war in Abyssinia and toward the Civil War 
in Spain. There was no neutrality of the pope in either of them. 
On the contrary, he did his best to back up the aggressors. He 
congratulated Mussolini and distributed sacred amulets to the 
Italian troops going to Ethiopia. He sent Generalissimo Franco 
his blessing in the Spanish Civil War and presented his soldiers 
with victory medals. 

On October 13, 1935, the late Cardinal Hinsley, Catholic 

archbishop of Westminister, the pope's chief agent in England, 

made a speech in defense of the friendly attitude assumed by the 

Vatican towards Fascism in its war against Abyssinia, and closed 

with the following words: 

"While I do not in principle approve of Fascism, I do say that if Fas- 
cism goes under in Italy, then nothing can save the country from 
chaos. With it God's business too will go under." 

This speech may appear to many as basphemy; but it is not, for 
Cardinal Hinsley was really a very devout man. He merely con- 
fused God's business with the pope's business, a confusion quite 
natural for a cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church. 

On August 25, 1936, Cardinal Archbishop Roey of Malines — 
the pope's general in Belgium — warned Belgian Catholics against 
participating in the International Peace Congress scheduled to 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 79 

begin in Brussels on September 3, 1936, under the chairmanship 
of Mr. Herriot, president of the French Senate. "This does not 
mean," he explained, "that Belgian Catholics are not filled with a 
real love of peace, but they must protect themselves against the 
political ideas of the organizers of the congress." 

On September 6, 1936, a statement of the bishop of Berlin, 
Count von Preysing, was read from the pulpits of his diocese. 
According to this statement the Holy Father had informed the 
bishop, "that any and every connection or contact with Leftist 
currents is forbidden to Roman Catholics and must be most strenu- 
ously fought by the church." 

These records taken at random from the rich choice of papal 
enunciations in recent years give ample evidence of the Vatican's 
sympathies with Nazism and Fascism in the critical period before 
the pact of Munich. We are therefore justified in taking the pope's 
"strict neutrality" in the second World War not too seriously. It 
is nothing but a strategic smoke-screen intended to cover his rela- 
tionship with our foes, which he did not even bother to conceal 
until the entrance of the United States into the war. It seems 
natural now to raise the question how far back that relationship 
can be traced. In other words, what part has political papacy 
played in the European tragedy these last twenty years? 


A SUPERFICIAL VIEW of Nazism and Fascism shows, aside 
from their coincidence, so many features in common, that it is 
difficult to believe the resemblance to be merely accidental. The 
closer you examine the two movements, the more they are likely 
to appear as children of the same spirit. Let us try to get closer 
to that spirit by analyzing its development. 

Both movements started not as revolutionary eruptions from 
below, but as counter-revolutions, aiming explicitly to be the salva- 
tion of state, society and religion from the danger of the liberal 
wave which flooded the European continent in the years after the 
first World War. In accordance with this program the two oppos- 
ing camps were clearly outlined: on one side the allied conserva- 
tives and reactionaries, and on the other side liberals and socialists. 
This anti-democratic character of both Nazism and Fascism, not- 


Behind THE Dictators 


Pope Pius XI styled Mussolini ... "a 
gift of Providence, a man free from the 
prejudices of the politicians of the 
liberal school." 


". . . far more of a Mussolini and an 
autocratic dictator than Mussolini him- 
self." — "William Teeling, Catholic author. 

withstanding their nationalistic camouflage, is proved not only by 
the rank and file of their sympathizers on both sides of the Atlantic, 
but in a more striking way still by their activity. We know that 
the first fury of both movements was turned against the adherents 
of democracy and liberalism, organized labor and communists, and 
of course against the Jews, the traditional appetizer on a mob's 
menu card. 

The anti-democratic character of both Fascism and Nazism re- 
veals further that their sources could not have been of low origin. 
Their inspiration could not have been bom in the slums from 
which Hitler and Mussolini came. Besides, since in the first years 
after the first World War even the German government, like all 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 81 

others, was under the influence of liberalism, a sponsorship of 
these two movements by the government of any European coun- 
try itself was out of the question. 

Under these circumstances it would have been impossible for 
obscure nobodies, as were Hitler and Mussolini at that time, to 
mobilize the masses for a bloody crusade against the masses of the 
people and their liberal governments unless they were backed by 
some political force of extraordinary qualities — a force reaching 
up to the summits of society as well as down to its depths, one ex- 
ercising a strong influence in the international arena and keeping 
itself cleverly out of sight. There is but one force qualified in this 
extraordinary way, namely political Papacy, centered in the 

After this excursion of general character, let us now go back 
to our evidence. The various facts previously mentioned are sig- 
nificant indeed, but they do not constitute sufficient evidence of 
the collaboration of the Vatican with the Axis. They confirm only 
what every student of history knows, that the Papacy is and always 
has been anti-democratic and anti-liberal. But by themselves they 
do not prove that the Vatican had a part in the world-wide con- 
spiracy, launched by Nazism and Fascism, against democracy and 
liberty. A past master of political intrigues, such as the Vatican is, 
makes documentary evidence hard to find. We can only hope to 
catch an occasional glimpse through the cracks in its political 
walls. Bishops in politics, as in chess, move obliquely. 

One insight was furnished by The Catholic International, a new 
periodical, recently published in New York. It identified itself as 
"a magazine of Christian decency for the Christian home and edited 
under clerical direction." This magazine contained the following 
amazing comment on the fall of France: "The earthly disaster has 
been a heavenly blessing. The days of Socialism and Freemasonry 
are gone forever in France . . . Isn't it all glorious?" And, turning 
to Italy, it continued: "And in Italy too . . . The base little atheist 
schoolmasters have been booted out forever and monks and nuns 
now again teach the children of the Peninsula." 

As all ill-timed remarks do, these words carried the disadvan- 

82 Behind the Dictators 

tage of indiscretion. They not only offered an official avowal of 
intolerance and hatred of public education, but also expressed 
exultation at the New Order established by Fascism both in Italy 
and France. They also proved that the interests of the Vatican 
were on the side of the dictators all during these last twenty years. 

Was this community of interests a simple coincidence or was it 
founded on a premeditated coalition? The answer to this question 
must necessarily be hidden in the roots of World War II. In order 
to lay them bare, the principal events of these last twenty-five years 
must be reviewed in the light of the role that the Vatican has 
played behind the European stage. We must begin with the Rus- 
sian Revolution of 1917-18, because it was in relation to this revo- 
lution that the contemporary counter-revolution started and devel- 
oped. While the first World War is likely to go down in history 
as a mere nuisance, it will rank high in the history of mankind for 
having fathered the Russian Revolution, a social upheaval of 
greater importance and greater consequence than even the French 
Revolution of 1789. 

The young plant of Russian Liberty was raised under the most 
unfavorable conditions, but received so loving a care as to enable 
the youngster, only twenty-five years later, to join the United 
Nations in their fight against slavery and to do a highly efficient 
and successful job. It is no exaggeration to say that the Soviet 
Union, bom out of the first World War, became the life-saver of 
liberty in World War II. 

I like to believe that humanity has a bodyguard analogous to 
the emergency squadron of cells in our body, which comes to its 
rescue in case of injury or fever. I like to believe that the birth of 
the Russian Republic in 1917 was due to providential planning to 
have a bodyguard for liberty at hand in 1941. This romantic belief 
is strongly supported by the unusual circumstances which paved 
the way for the birth of the Soviet Union. For it was the German 
High Command in the first World War who in 1917 dispatched 
Lenin and his aides from their exile in Switzerland to the Russian 
border, in a sealed railway car, in order to start the revolution that 
brought about the collapse of Imperial Russia from within. 

The social eruption had been simmering in Imperial Russia for 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 83 

many decades as a consequence of the brutal oppression and ex- 
ploitation of the masses by aristocrats, landlords, bureaucrats and 
a depraved clergy. As long as the peace lasted it could get no- 
where. But in the first World War Russian soldiers set the spark 
to the fuse when, after three years of terrible losses and hardships, 
they were driven by whips against the German lines without food 
and ammunition. It is possible that the revolution might have 
started without Lenin and his friends, but it certainly would have 
succumbed before long without their intellectual leadership. 

After having overthrown the Czar and established a govern- 
ment of their own, the Russian people turned to the much harder 
task of rebuilding their utterly exhausted country. 

There is no one who does not admit that the Russian Revolution 
was morally justified, and entitled according to international prin- 
ciples to be considered a purely internal affair of Russia alone, 
without any interference from without. But in this case of a people 
fighting against its unjust oppressors, the conservative chancel- 
leries of Europe thought fit to intervene — as they had done in the 
French Revolution in 1792. Although fighting among themselves, 
it took them no time to agree upon this decision. Bloody foes of 
yesterday made common cause to crush the young Soviet Union. 
These 'White Guardsmen' invaded Russia from the North and 
the South simultaneously, ravaging the country and committing 
atrocities against the population. But this time, with liberty at 
stake, the Russian soldiers fought like heroes and succeeded after 
one year of fierce fighting in beating back the invaders and driving 
them out of the country. Then again the Russian people dropped 
their arms and took up sickle and hammer to continue their work 
of reconstruction. 


THE FIRST ATTACK on the Soviet Union failed partly for the 
reason that the foes of the Soviet Union at that time were very 
busy with their own affairs at home. Four years of a war of attri- 
tion had not only sapped the economic strength of the warring 
countries but also stirred the minds of their peoples. As a sort of 

84 Behind the Dictators 

compensation for the blood he shed and the hardships he endured, 
the man in the street now gained poUtical weight over night. The 
balance of political power started shifting from the Right to the 
Left. Far from opposing this trend, the parties of the Right were 
only too glad to take a leave of absence from the public stage. 
Although responsible for the outbreak of the war they did not 
like the idea of signing the peace. They knew it was a suicidal job 
and preferred to have it done by men of the Left. Furthermore, the 
post-war economic reconstruction was a hard task, both difficult 
and ungrateful. These requirements did not suit the reactionaries. 
They, in general, like to take a rich country and run it down; then 
they let others have their turn. 

According to this policy the reactionaries modestly stood back 
and allowed the socialists to come to the front. This was their 
formula for the establishment of so-called National Government, 
that would embrace men both of Left and Right for cooperation in 
the reconstruction. As a rule the chiefs of state were taken from the 
Left. As a matter of fact, at that time, the whole continent of 
Europe looked like a progressive and peaceful society of nations. 
But the political modesty and self-denial of the reactionaries were 
nothing but a clever maneuver. By withdrawing from the scene, 
they were at the same time preparing for future attack. Having 
men of their own party in the government, they had only to watch 
for their opportunity to come after their passive resistance had 
worn down the wave of liberalism. 

They were not a bit afraid of the socialists, though these had 
succeeded in rallying under their banner the bulk of the workers 
in the big cities and industrial centers. While the socialists and 
liberals held the majority in the urban places, the decisive factor 
for a majority in parliament were the rural districts, and here the 
liberals were impotent against the influence of the traditional 
political bosses, the pope and his reactionary parties. As the great- 
est private landowner throughout Catholic Europe, the pope exerts 
by this very fact, since time immemorial, an economic and political 
control over the rural population, in whose minds the tradition of 
the feudal system is still stronger than the written law. His news- 
papers kept on prescribing to the country people their mental diet, 
his priests bossed both schoolmaster and burgomaster, and woe to 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 85 

the provincial business man or mercliant who dared to subscribe 
to one of the liberal newspapers from the capital. Stigmatized as 
heretics they lost not only the lucrative patronage of the rich mon- 
astery or abbey nearby, but were furthermore ostracized by the 
whole community. The peasants were warned to ward off socialism, 
as the foe of God and religion which leads inevitably to eternal 

No ordinary political party could afford to maintain the vast 
organization necessary for such a political grip. Only the pope had 
it in his church all ready and organized throughout the different 
countries, down to the smallest hamlet, like a well-organized and 
disciplined army — every priest a soldier trained in blind obedience 
to the bishops, the officers of the pope. 

It is by these means that the workers and peasants are kept in 
opposite political camps: by the coordination of economic and 
religious pressure. 

This papal policy has been supported by the reactionaries of 
Europe, ever since the French Revolution, with lasting success. It 
was the government of the young Soviet Union which opposed 
that policy for the first time in European history. Although it de- 
creed freedom of worship throughout the Union, at the same time 
it forbade the clergy to misuse religion for politics or to interfere 
with public education, their activities to be limited strictly to their 
spiritual services in the church. It made religion a private affair. 
This measure was a necessary provision for the mental armament 
of the youth of the young republic. 

A system of public education had to be provided whereby the 
youth would be raised to general appreciation and preservation of 
liberty, free from reactionary influence. The leaders of the Soviet 
Union realized that liberty is uncertain and very likely to get lost 
unless youth is provided with such a mental armor through public 
school education. 

The reactionaries were pierced to the quick by that decree of 
the Russian government. It meant that one hundred and sixty 
million people were on the way to real liberty, of body and mind. 
There was no saying what dangerous repercussions it might have 
on the minds in Eastern and Central Europe, if the dastardly influ- 
ence from the East was not stopped at once. It was therefore a mat- 

86 Behind the Dictators 

ter of life or death for the reactionaries and the Catholic Church 
that the Russian revolution be strangled. The whole of Europe was 
to be mobilized for a crusade to that end. The first thing to do 
was to discontinue their political vacationing and to get the power 
at home well in hand again. In the meantime Europe had to be safe- 
guarded against mental contamination, and to this end Russia was 
to be placed under permanent international quarantine. The 
shadow of World War II began to emerge. 

In accordance with these decisions the reactionaries started a 
campaign of defamation throughout the world against the Soviet 
Union and its government unique in its extension and ferocity. 
There is no crime or blasphemy of which the men in the Kremlin 
were not guilty. They murdered millions of Russians and forced 
the people into "godless" communism. It is not necessary for me 
to go deeper into the subject of this defamatory campaign. AH of 
us have witnessed it and many of us have fallen under its spell. It 
took a second World War to lift the ban after twenty years. 

The reactionary parties were now again very busy with their 
domestic politics. Their stratagem of temporary abstention from 
active politics had worked according to plan. The aftermath of the 
first World War had made life for the great mass of the people 
extremely difficult. Shortage of food and inflation weighed heavily 
on their shoulders because the enormous cost of the war had not 
been equally distributed. Landlords and industrialists had managed 
in time to rid themselves of their war loans, paying off their mort- 
gages or enlarging their factories and equipment for a trifle, while 
workers and employees fought a hopeless battle against the onrush- 
ing tide of inflation. The economic coat of the European nations 
was buttoned awry and needed, according to the famous formula 
of Prince Bismarck, to be opened up and buttoned anew. The 
socialists in the governments were not blind to the danger. They 
saw the necessity for strong measures, but all their attempts to do 
something about it were now frustrated by the other parties of the 
Coalition. Instead of cooperating with the liberals for the benefit 
of the nation, these parties. Nationalists and Clericals, now saw 
their opportunity at hand to stab the liberals in the back and they 
did not hesitate to do so regardless of public interests. 

The general attack on Democracy and Liberty was about to 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 87 


IT STARTED IN ITALY with the Blackshirts of Benito Musso- 
lini. Originally an obscure journalist in the socialist camp, he 
changed his coat in time, and so quit the socialist party and 
devoted his ability to tireless braying for the benefit of radical 
Nationalism. Then came his sudden rise, like that of a rocket, to 
the chiefdom of a party. Nobody knew who it was that set him 
off, but it was undoubtedly a force of high standing. It was gener- 
ally known that his personal means did not allow him the pur- 
chase of more than half a dozen black shirts for himself and much 
less for the equipment and pay of his followers. The general guess 
at that time pointed to a rich industrialist as his sponsor. But then 
came the famous March on Rome which destroyed this conjecture. 
The boss was evidently to be looked for higher up. 

The Italian people are fond of theatrical performances, but the 
March on Rome was a poor one and they did not like it. Mussolini 
did not march at all. He came by train. Nobody was deceived. 
Those guns were hired and paid for in cash. The garrison of Rome 
could have annihilated this mummery in a short while. But, instead 
of having the Blackshirts thrown out of his capital, the king sat 
down with Mussolini to a friendly discussion of his kingdom's 
affairs and without further ado surrendered the management and 
the future of his kingdom to the upstart, reserving for himself only 
the title of king. Mussolini became Dictator of Italy over night; 
no fairy tale could do it easier. But who was the magician ? Cer- 
tainly not the king, who was obviously a secondary actor, one of 
the cast in this melodrama, charged moreover with an embarras- 
sing and humiliating role. Who was the man in a position to make 
the king play that part? 

The new ruler of Italy had urgent business on his mind. The 
next thing for him to do was to wipe out all traces of liberalism 
and democracy in order to consolidate his own regime. Com- 
munists, socialists, liberals and intellectuals were the victims of 
the purge. Their organizations were dissolved, their leaders exiled 
or killed. Years later, it could be said all over the country, "the 
base little atheist schoolmasters were booted out and monks and 
nuns started again to teach the children of the Peninsula." 

88 Behind the Dictators 

The Italian people are essentially democratic and liberal-minded. 
Therefore it took Mussolini many years to overcome socialism 
and liberalism. It was not until then that the stage of this political 
comedy was finally set for the appearance of the playwright before 
the curtain, when, in 1929, the Lateran Accord between the pope 
and the Fascist government was published. For Mussolini it was 
the time for the payment of the royalties agreed upon with his 
author. Besides receiving from Mussolini 750 million lire in cash 
and one billion lire in Fascist government stock, the Vatican got 
a tiny but substantial sovereignty, carved out from Italy's heart, a 
Treaty and a Concordat, making Catholicism the sole Church 
of the kingdom and giving the clergy full control over the people's 
education. The union between the Vatican and Fascism was 
publicly sealed. The Vatican could now, after many years, enjoy 
again the attributes and privileges of diplomatic sovereignty, 
which are of inestimable value in the game of international politics 
— though meaningless to religion and even incompatible with it. 

That remarkable pact of 1929 did not only reveal to the public 
the real boss of Fascism; it made it clear that political papacy 
was once more on the rampage. Connoisseurs of history predicted 
at that time still bigger political events, to come in the near future. 
They were right. 


TO FIGHT RUSSIA without the help of the German Reich was a 
hopeless enterprise. As a matter of fact, Germany was the trump 
card, and therefore had to become the center of the crusade against 
the infidels in Moscow. Things in Germany looked very propitious. 
A political upheaval was precipitated by the ruinous consequences 
of Germany's currency inflation. It was especially the middle class 
which found itself economically ruined or degraded. As these 
people saw themselves cheated out of their property, their tradi- 
tional honesty became seriously shaken. Out of this social turmoil 
emerged the Radicals from both sides, but it was the National- 
Socialist Party which absorbed the greater part of the desperate 
middle-class, combining in its very name the attractions of both 
Left and Right. This party got the upper hand by lying propaganda 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 89 

and terroristic activity. With cudgels and revolvers they literally 
conquered the streets house by house, and by terror made them- 
selves masters of the situation. As a matter of fact it was a new 
type of civil war, and the socialists got the worst of it for two 
reasons: their organization was out of money, and they lacked 
besides the stomach to kill. 

On the other hand Hitler and his party got plenty of money to 
develop their propaganda and carry on the terroristic campaign on 
an evergrowing scale. It came not only from German tories but 
from all reactionary camps abroad. They saw in Hitler their cham- 
pion as he kept on promising to wipe out both socialists and com- 
munists. Bloody terror backed by heaps of money and the unveiled 
sympathy of influential political circles proved to be irresistible 
in the end. Finally even the police and judges yielded to the pres- 
sure and lawlessness began to spread, like mushrooms in a damp 
cellar. The honest citizen found himself treated as an outlaw if he 
tried to resist. 

This sad story has been told many times before. What was not 
told or may be forgotten is the story of how Hitler's advent to 
supreme power was achieved at the end of January 1933. It is sig- 
nificant that ten years of ruthless pursuit of his bloody strategy 
had not brought victory to the Nazi party by the way of elections. 
I believe we have to give the German people credit for this proof 
of their will to resist evil, against heavy odds. The fact is that in 
1932 the Nazi tide obviously began to turn. Hitler gradually lost 
ground in several elections; his supply of money began to run low. 
It became evident that the German people were recovering from 
their apathy and fright. Hitler had to realize that his war against 
the German people was lost. In this critical moment, when the 
chiefs of the Nazi party started to despair of the future, a powerful 
hand came to their rescue. Messrs. Hugenberg and Franz von 
Papen, two political and social aces, both of them notorious hench- 
men of the Vatican, did the job. As the German people could not 
be persuaded or forced to accept Hitler as their leader, it had to 
be done the other way around, by persuading old Marshal Hinden- 
burg to make Hitler his chancellor. 

The two men arranged a vicious and concentrated attack on the 




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Geji^e^en tit boppcttet Itrf^ttft in b« Sktiknftabl 
.20. ^Uli 1933. 

(Eugento (S^cbinale ^cetli. 

gr«ni »oik ^pen. 


The text ends as above: "Signed in duplicate in Vatican City on July 20, 1933. 


Article 16 of the above concordat between Hitler and the Vati- 
can gives the wording of the oath that all German bishops are 
obliged to take before the Reichstatthalter, as follows: 

"I swear before God and upon the Holy Gospels and promise, as 
becomes a bishop, to be loyal to the German Reich and the State. 
I swear and promise to respect the constitutional Government and 
to have it respected by my clergy." 

Shortly after the concordat was signed by Cardinal Pacelli and 

Catholic Franz von Papen, Cardinal Bertram of Berlin wrote to 
Hitler as follows: 

"The Episcopate of all the German dioceses, as is shown by its 
statements to the public, was glad to express, as soon as it was pos- 
sible after the recent change in the political situation through the 
declarations of Your Excellency, its sincere readiness to cooperate to 
the best of its ability with the new government which has proclaimed 
as its goal to promote Christian education, to wage war against God- 
lessness and immorality, to strengthen the spirit of sacrifice for the 
common good, and to protect the rights of the Church." (From the 
Catholic [London] Universe, August 18, 1933.) 

Whatever the Catholic church may now think about Hitler and 

the whole scheme of the Nazi-Fascist Axis, there is no doubt that 

the Vatican was Hitler's ally from the beginning. Fritz Thyssen, 

rich Catholic steel magnate who financed Hitler,* testifies to this. 

After he went to Switzerland in 1940, Thyssen wrote an article in 

the Swiss Arbeiterzeitung entitled: "PIUS XII, AS NUNCIO, 

BROUGHT HITLER TO POWER." In this article he states 

plainly what the aim of the Hitler-Vatican plan was. He says: 

"The idea was to have a sort of Christian Corporate State organized 
according to the classes, which would be supported by the Churches 
— in the West by the Catholic, and in the East by the Protestant — 
and by the Army." 


The following facts have been checked with offi- 
cial publications and bureaus of information: 

Adolf Hitler — Nazi Fuehrer Roman Catholic 

Benito Mussolini — Italian Duce Roman Catholic 

Francisco Franco — Spanish Caudillo Roman Catholic 

Antonio Salazar — Portuguese Dictator Roman Catholic 

Henri P. Petain — Vichy Chief of State Roman Catholic 

Pierre Laval — Vichy Chief of Government Roman Catholic 

Joseph Tiso — Slovakian Chief of State ...Roman Catholic Priest 

Vidkun Quisling — Premier of Occupied Norway Protestant 

Anton A. Mussert — "Quisling" of Occupied 

Holland Protestant 

Emil Hacha — Nazi President of Bohemia- 
Moravia Roman Catholic 

Konrad Henlein — "Quisling" of Sudetenland Roman Catholic 

Leon M. Degrelle — Belgian Resist Leader Roman Catholic 

Ante Pavelich — Croatian Poglavar (Leader) ...Roman Catholic 

* See Thyssen's book, I Paid Hitler, published in this country in 1941. 

92 Behind the Dictators 

old gentleman's mind. One of the next regional elections, held in 
the tiny principality of Lippe-Detmold, gave them the opportunity 
to provide the Nazi party with a victory, scoring 40% of the votes 
in its favor. Big money and political high-pressure did the trick. 
This was only an insignificant local success, but it was sufficient 
for the two agents to launch their drive on Hindenburg. They 
tried to make the old man believe that it was the people's voice 
speaking in that election and calling for the leadership of Hitler. 
Their insinuations, warnings and threats were supported by two 
most influential political parties: the ultra-clerical Bavarian Peo- 
ple's Party and the Catholic Center Party of the big industrialists 
in the Rhineland. The conspirators had even succeeded, by dona- 
tion of an estate, in winning the cooperation of the Marshal's own 
nephew, Colonel von Hindenburg, who enjoyed his uncle's trust. 
These forces combined for a joint assault on the old President and 
succeeded in conquering his dislike for Hitler, after having ex- 
hausted both his body and mind. He dismissed the cabinet of 
General Schleicher and named Hitler chancellor. 

The German people were overpowered at last. But let us bear 
in mind that it never would have happened without the deliberate 
support of the Vatican's political organization in Germany. 


BOTH COUNTRIES are predominantly agricultural, of the typi- 
cal European kind, with millions of small poor farmers drudging 
along with their families, working extremely hard to eke out a 
living, their bodies prematurely exhausted and their minds over- 
shadowed by mental oppression of centuries. As a whole these 
countries are happy-hunting-grounds for reactionaries. Their poor 
schools are little help against illiteracy, and those little farmers as 
well as the rural workers are living today much as their fore- 
fathers lived for centuries, under the strict rule of aristocrats, the 
Catholic church, and great landowners. The pope is, of course, in 
both countries the greatest private landowner, and therefore enjoys 
supreme political power. Democracy, liberty and political inde- 
pendence may be written on the parchment of some constitution; 
practically they are phantoms, never touching the people of the 
rural districts. 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 93 

Then there are some cities and industrial centers with organized 
workers. But their number is of no avail and their voice cannot 
reach those working in the fields. For these people of the soil serf- 
dom has been replaced by hopeless dependency on the few big land- 
holders. Nothing but a fundamental land reform can bring them 
the economic independence, which must be the forerunner of 
democratic liberty. 

These conditions are best illustrated by exact figures from an 
official report on the distribution of the land in Hungary at the 
end of 1936: 

Of a total of 16,162,589 Katastraljoch (1 Joch equal to 1.4 
acres) were in possession of 

State and Communities Joch 750,000 

The pope " 1,100,000 

1200 landlords " 3,900,000 

The remainder of the land was divided among 1,200,000 
peasant farms each with a small area from one half to 
one-hundred Joch, while 500,000 landless peasants had 
no soil of their own at all. 

While these figures, typical of all Catholic countries in Europe, 
reflect the economic structure of the countries mentioned, they 
also give a clear picture of their political status. The landless 
peasants, plus many of the small farmers, are no better off today 
than their forefathers had been as serfs a century ago. They have 
to wander like nomads over the country to get work and shelter 
as sharecroppers on the big estates. The medieval distribution of 
land has its inescapable political effects which cannot be over- 
come by any paper declaration of democracy. Those people are 
absolutely dependent, both in mind and body, on their employers. 

Both in Poland and in Hungary, the wave of progressive liberal- 
ism sweeping the continent of Europe in the wake of the first 
World War tried to remedy the depicted evils, but it was crushed 
before long by the deep-rooted political organization and economic 
pressure of the reactionary parties. 

94 Behind the Dictators 


prise to anyone familiar with the status of things in that country. 
The Third Republic was doomed because it represented not a 
united French nation, but a thousand streamlets of political, social, 
and religious discriminations, and these streamlets had long before 
eroded the roots of the Repubhc and the foundations of the 
national structure. In this condition France could not withstand 
the shock of German aggression. Now we face the task of ex- 
plaining the source of those disruptive streamlets. 

The French Revolution in 1789 left France without the indis- 
pensable armament for the defense of her newly-won liberty and 
democracy. Such an armor can be given a nation only by means of 
an efficient public educational system. But this was never accom- 
plished, and this failure explains why France never succeeded in 
becoming a united nation in both her political and social life. 

There were two Houses of Legislature and in both of them the 
clerical parties, directed by the Vatican, held a decisive position 
between Left and Right, turning the political balance, at their 
will, on any important issue. These parties of the Vatican, looking 
serenely on the conflict between Left and Right, fanned the flames 
and widened the gap between the two political camps in order 
to increase the national political turmoil. 

One of the questions most important to them was the matter of 
public schools. Supported by the parties of the Right, they saw to 
it that the public schools were poorly equipped, and that the pay- 
ment of the teachers did not rise above the minimum. But, at the 
same time, the Vatican kept on entertaining and enlarging a vast 
system of private schools affiliated with the convents and other 
religious bodies. These private schools of the church were better 
equipped than the national public schools, and, in general, more 
exclusive socially because of their higher cost of tuition. Their 
exclusiveness flattered and kept alive the social vanity of the 
French professional classes. As a result, these church schools were 
preferred by the middle class, who were very proud to have their 
children sitting on the same bench with the youth of the aristocratic 
and rich families. It goes without saying that the French aristo- 


This photograph from Vichy shows two Roman Catholic Cardinals with Chief of State 
Marshal Petain and Chief of Government Pierre Laval reviewing a parade of Vichy- 
French troops. 

Left to right: Marshal Petain; Cardinal Suhard. Archbishop of Paris; Cardinal Gerlier, 
Archbishop of Lyon {former unoccupied zone), and Pierre Laval. 

96 Behind the Dictators 

crats, for many good reasons, sent their children to clerical schools 
— and so a closed circle was formed. 

To these psychological inducements were added the solemn 
admonition from the pulpits not to send Christian children to 
public schools "where atheist teachers are employed." The spirit 
transmitted to the children in the clerical schools was naturally 
not in harmony with the Republic's motto: "Liberty, Equality and 

The political harvest of the church by this private educational 
system becomes clear, if you bear in mind that the graduates of 
those clerical private schools were destined to become the back- 
bone of the country's administration. With a diploma from one 
of the clerical schools they were sure to be given preference; and 
this system, from generation to generation, had succeeded in cov- 
ering the whole field of administration by a network of reactionary 
administrative officials, to whom the directives, from the nearest 
bishopric, meant much more than the principles of the Republic. 

Add to this the wide-spread influence of the girls and future 
wives and mothers coming out of convent schools and you will 
understand how it came about that the more influential part of the 
French nation was systematically imbued with a spirit indifferent, 
more often hostile, to the principles of the Republic. 

In this way the Vatican held a tight grip on the administration 
and spirit of France, and will continue to do so, as long as the 
education of French youth is not made the exclusive privilege of 
the State. This is the main reason why the national unity of the 
French nation cannot be achieved. This is the reason why the 
French Republic has never been a republic of the people. 

It has been said that France was ruled by some two hundred 
aristocratic and rich families, but behind these families has always 
stood the powerful organization of the Vatican, directing them 
according to its political strategy. Those ruling families of France 
were only too willing to be guided in that way because they knew 
they had a common cause and that their rule over France could 
not be challenged effectively by the people as long as they followed 
the guidance of the Vatican. Thus the reactionary parties of France 
were at the helm of the State, steering the vessel as they chose. 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 97 

Hitler's New Order found, in tlieir souls, a very sympathetic echo, 
and, it is not surprising that the bishops of France enthusiastically 
greeted Hitler's New Order and promised the Vichy government 
full cooperation. To them the fall of the Third Republic was cer- 
tainly a "heavenly blessing." 


EVER SINCE MAGISTER JAN HUS, the first Czech anti-papist, 
was burned in 1415, the relations between the Czech nation and 
the pope have been strained, and ever since it has felt the Vatican's 
hand weighing heavily upon its shoulders. Every new century 
brought about new bloody installments of that lasting spiritual 
feud, at the bottom of which lies the indomitable spirit of the 
Czechs for independence and liberty, a claim no pope liked to hear, 
much less to grant. Therefore we see down through the centuries 
the bloody trail of papacy sweep the Czech country over and over 
again. Every century brought a new installment of the pope's 
anger and the twentieth century was no exception. Its contribution 
was by no means the least one. Let us hope it will be the last. 

After the first World War the government of the promising 
young democracy realized the danger threatening it from the 
Vatican and it tried to evade it. But the effort was not sufficiently 
bold and courageous. A sort of compromise was made with the 
Vatican, in order to attain a modus vivendi. That was the mistake. 
The Czech leaders should have known that a modus vivendi with 
the Vatican meant death. Well- instructed in Europe's history, 
they should have remembered the old French proverb: Qui mange 
du pape, en meurt — that is, literally, "He who eats from the pope 

And so it happened in 1938, when Hitler's campaign against 
Czechoslovakia approached its climax, that the Czech people were 
stabbed in the back by the declaration of an independent state of 
Slovakia, in which the Slovak people themselves had no part what- 
soever. This foul deed had been prepared by Father Hlinka, leader 
of the Vatican party in Slovakia, and executed by his successor in 
this leadership, Msgr. Josef Tiso. Armed Hlinka guards flooded 
the country, crushing out with Nazi cruelty all attempts at re- 

Behind the Dictators 

Reichsfuehrer Hitler greets the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Joseph Tiso, Slovakian Chief of 
State, Papal Chamberlain and Roman Catholic priest, at Hitler's field 
headquarters on the Eastern Front, October, 1041. 

sistance, utterly destroying national unity, confusing and demoral- 
izing the people at the very moment when German troops on the 
Austrian border at Bratislava stood ready for the occupation of 
the Slovak capital. 

This stabbing was so perfectly timed with the attacks on Czecho- 
slovakia from Berlin, that Hitler and Mussolini could not fail to 
gratefully remember their partner in the Vatican, when they signed 
the pact of Munich. 


AUSTRIA IS THE ONLY COUNTRY in Central Europe where 
the socialists after the first World War succeeded in achieving a 
remarkable success. This was due partly to their electoral majority 
in Vienna, which comprised nearly one third of Austria's popula- 

A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 99 

tion, but was principally due to the energy and integrity of their 
leaders. They even managed to approach and attract the peasantry 
in the provinces. Supported by liberal intellectuals and scientists 
they began to found public libraries in many small communities, 
thereby stimulating the appetite for reading and learning, a feast 
hitherto unknown to the country folk. 

This development of a peaceful progress came to an abrupt 
end in February 1934, when the two other parties of the 'National 
Government,' the Christian Socialists (the pope's party) and the 
German Nationals, together started their bloody coup d'etat which 
buried the Republic. This attack was carefully prepared for some 
years previous by the Chancellor Msgr. Ignaz Seipel, a Roman 
Catholic priest. He broke up the National Government and by 
combining the Christian Socialist party with the German Nationals 
against the socialists, started Austria on its way to civil war. 

The German Nationals had traditionally been foes of the Catho- 
lic church. They hated Christianity in general and the Roman 
church in particular. For more than 50 years the slogan of their 
stormy, but not numerous party had been: 'Los Von Rom,' which 
means: 'Away from the Roman Church.' Nevertheless, Msgr. 
Seipel constantly rejected the repeated propositions of the socialists 
for a lasting understanding as the base for a solid government, the 
only security for a peaceful future. Seipel accepted the Ger- 
man Nationals as his allies in 1930 and the internal strife was on. 

When Msgr. Seipel died, he was succeeded by a man he himself 
had picked out — Engelbert DoUfuss, trained and educated by the 
Jesuits. It was Doilfuss who in May, 1932, suppressed the Repub- 
lican constitution and established an authoritarian government. In 
parliament he mustered a majority of one, but did not hesitate to 
abolish it altogether when it got deadlocked, which was naturally 
bound to happen. Relying on the armed organizations of the Ger- 
man Nationals he allowed and even encouraged them to deliber- 
ately attack workers and their organizations. The signal for the 
massacre was given on February 12, 1934. The workers tried to 
resist, but had to give up when the national army bombarded their 

Austria now became an ecclesiastical state with a papal encycli- 
cal as constitution and the Archbishop of Vienna, Dr. Innitzer 




A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 101 

(made a Cardinal after the butchery) as its virtual head. It did 
not take the new government long to show its true colors. From 
the first moment of victory, dissension split the two government 
parties and public administration began to show signs of deteriora- 
tion. Corruption and nepotism spread so rapidly that before long 
they became the only keys to all higher posts in public service. At 
the same time heedless squandering of public funds developed 
for the benefit of party leaders on one side and of monasteries and 
abbeys on the other. Working hours were lengthened and wages 
lowered. The indebtedness of the State and of municipalities went 
soaring despite constantly heavier taxation. In short, this adminis- 
tration did so well, that it succeeded in less than two years in fos- 
tering and concentrating on itself the hatred of the population. I 
remember the exclamation of a hotel-keeper in Carinthia province 
in the summer of 1936: 'Anything would be better than this clerical 
pest!' Not everybody was as outspoken as that, but the sentiment 
was a fairly general one. Under such circumstances it seemed only 
natural that Nazi propaganda began to make rapid headway in 

Then came the assassination of Dollfuss. Schuschnigg, another 
of Msgr. Seipel's Jesuit-trained pupils, took his place. From the 
very beginning he was at the mercy of the German Nationals in 
the government. Boasting openly of their relations with Berlin, 
they kept extorting more and more concessions from him for the 
Nazi party in Austria. In his desperate situation Schuschnigg 
turned to Mussolini for help. Mussolini had repeatedly declared 
he would fight for the independence of Austria, because he hated 
to see German soldiers on the Brenner. But this time it was another 
story. Mussolini disclosed to Schuschnigg in July 1937 that Italy 
was by now disinterested in Austria's independence. And so the 
tragic end came. 

On March 13, 1938, Hitler, at the head of a strong force, made 
his cautious entry into Austria and Vienna. Heavy bombers roared 
day and night over the city. The frightened people dared not 
even leave their homes. A major part of the frenzied youth, cheer- 
ing Hitler in the streets of Vienna, had preceded the Germans as 

102 Behind the Dictators 

Five days later came the political denouement, when the Aus- 
trians were confronted in the morning with big posters everywhere. 
It was an address "To the Catholic people of Austria!" signed 
by all archbishops and bishops of the country headed by the name 
of Cardinal Innitzer, Archbishop of Vienna. The undersigned 
prelates declared therein that they had deeply considered the situ- 
ation and had decided that Adolf Hitler had proved to be the 
protector of German rights and culture. They expressed their con- 
viction that his leadership would guarantee material and moral 
happiness to the German people in the future and they therefore 
entreated the faithful people to trustfully follow the Fuehrer. 


THE CADAVER OF AUSTRIA was the indispensable bridge for 
the military coalition between Nazism and Fascism. But this broth- 
erhood in arms materialized for the first time on the battlefields of 
Spain, when the rebellion of Franco against the legal government 
of Spain started in 1936. This was the first joint open move by the 
reactionary coalition against democracy and liberty. It was the 
first practical test of the coalition and offered to German and Italian 
bombardiers the opportunity for practicing on living "Red" tar- 
gets. Both tests had satisfactory results. German and Italian bom- 
bers did a truly devastating job for Franco, while the big democra- 
cies continued, like a well conducted orchestra, to play appease- 
ment and non-intervention tunes, not heeding the fact that the war 
in Spain was in reality a war against themselves. 

The role played by the Vatican in the Spanish Civil War is 
generally known; and there is no need, therefore, to explain it in 
detail here. It was really the Vatican's war. Aside from the desire 
to kill the young Spanish Republic, the Vatican had a real material 
grievance against its government. 

That democratic government had dared to abolish the tax ex- 
emption for the vast domains of the pope, and, as we well know, 
the Papacy has always been most sensitive to the matter of money 
and revenues. The victorious Franco promptly restored that tax 
exemption, brought back the Jesuits, and the Catholic church 
again enjoys its full revenues from Spain, while the Spanish 
people starve. 

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A Vital Condition For Lasting Peace 105 


vasion of Czech territory in March, 1939, the stage for the killing 
of the Soviet Union was definitely set. Had Hitler struck at Russia 
then, history would probably have written a different story. But 
the "sorcerer's apprentice," evidently intoxicated by success, went 
crazy with megalomania and bolted. He decided to make Russia 
the last bite of the European pie and attacked Poland, whose gov- 
ernment was of his own Fascist flesh, and thereby forced France 
and England to take up arms against him. World War II started. 


HERE ENDS our restrospective journey through Europe, and we 
can now consider the inferences of our survey. I venture to assert 
that the historic events and the undeniable facts pointed out on 
our way furnish ample evidence of the Vatican's political activity, 
and show, furthermore, to what disaster this activity has led. We 
have seen the Vatican, as an outspoken supporter of Fascism, fos- 
tering and spreading dissension among Nations, instigating blood- 
shed and war, in short, violating by political activity the religious 
principles of the Catholic church itself. Now we can evaluate the 
real meaning of the friendly relations between the Vatican and 
Japan and of the pope's declaration of "strict neutrality" in World 
War II for human rights and liberty. Both moves were of a highly 
political nature and greatly injurious to the cause of the United 
Nations. They cast a shadow of distrust into the souls of millions 
of simple minded people as to the righteousness of our cause. But 
since that attack came from a political quarter, we are entitled to 
strike back. It is even our duty to do so and explain to those people 
that political opinion issued by the Vatican, or any high Catholic 
prelate, cannot be expected to be necessarily in accordance with 
the religious spirit of the church and should, therefore, not be 
accepted blindly but scrutinized and weighed carefully by reason 
and conscience. The activity of political Papacy is written in blood 
on every page of Europe's history. 

When the time comes for the United Nations to clear up the 
European scene for a lasting peace, their major problem will there- 

106 Behind the Dictators 

fore be to bar the political activity of the Vatican by appropriate 
legal measures. No kind of post-war organization of Europe can 
secure a durable peace, as long as the incendiary production of 
the Vatican has not been stopped. The problem is to cut the strings 
which are pulled by the Vatican for political purposes. To this end 
I recommend the following: 

1) Absolute separation between State and Church; 

2) Absolute separation between School and Church; 

3) Every religions community must constitute an autonomous and 
independent corporation under the law; 

4) Individual governments should take over, within their territory, 
all agricultural land, owned or controlled by the Vatican, directly 
or through an ecclessiastical body, for the benefit of small peas- 
ants and landless farmers. 

5) Democratization of the Catholic church by proportionate repre- 
sentation of Cardinals from democratic countries, and by giving 
the Catholic people a voice in the election of bishops and the 
management of church properties. 

These propositions are a vital condition for lasting peace in 
Europe. They need no commentary. The need for each of them 
can be seen directly and interpreted by one or another of the his- 
toric events and facts revealed above. Put to work they will go a 
long way toward clearing the atmosphere and the ground for a 
lasting peace in Europe. Otherwise serious trouble is inevitable 
in the future. 

Vatican Support of German Militarism 107 


SIXTY YEARS AGO, "The New York Times" made a prophecy 
that "the profound immorality of the temporal policy of the 
Church of Rome" would be the cause of wars in the years to come. 
As a reminder of this ice sent the following to the "Times" after its 
attack on "Izvestia," Russian Covernment newspaper, on Feb. 5, 
1944. because of its factual criticism of the pro-Fascist policy of 
the Vatican in our time: 

February 14, 1944 



Dear Sir: 

Your severe editorial of February 5, opposing Isvestia's criticism 

of the Vatican, entirely overlooked the known facts in the matter 

of the Vatican's consistent support of German militarism for the 
past 100 years. 

Are you aware that your own New York Times once editorially 
castigated the Vatican in much more scathing terms than Izvestia 
for the same reason, accurately prophesying that the issue "will be 
potent in molding the history of Europe for years to come"! This 
editorial in The New York Times called the Vatican's support of 
German militarism "the profound immorality of the temporal 
policy of the Church of Rome." 

The editorial appeared in The New York Times of February 8, 
1887. and is as follows: 

"All is grist that comes to the mills of Rome. The collision between 
the spirit of military absolutism and the spirit of Parliamentary 
liberty in Germany, a contest watched with the deepest interest all 
over the world, and whose issue will be potent in molding the history 
of Europe for years to come, is viewed by the Pope merely as a wel- 
come opportunity to improve the condition of the Roman Catholic 
Church in Germany. 

"The party of the Centre in the Reichstag is the Catholic party. 
Dr. Windthorst, who has been its leader throughout the long struggle 
against the May laws, is its leader now. He led the successful opposi- 
tion to Bismarck's bill increasing the army and providing for its sup- 
port for a period of seven years, commonly called the Septennate bill. 

108 Behind THE Dictators 

When the Reichstag had rejected the bill and Bismarck had dissolved 
that body and a new general election had been ordered. Baron Frank- 
enstein sent to Koine, through the Papal Nuncio at Munich, an inquiry 
as to the views and wishes of the Pope Concerning the conduct of 
Catholics in the struggle. The Pope's reply is made in a letter written 
by Cardinal Jacobini: 'That the Septennate question embraces re- 
ligious and moral considerations which justify him in expressing the 
opinion that he may expect from the Centre party's conciliation to- 
wards the measure a beneficial effect in the final revision of the 
May laws.' The Pope desires, moreover, 'to meet the views of Em- 
peror William and Bismarck, and thereby induce the powerful 
German Empire to improve the position of the Papacy.' . . . 

"One sentence of Dr. Windthorst's address reveals with pitiless 
and perhaps unintentional frankness the profound immorality of the 
temporal policy of the Church of Rome. "The Pope's advocacy of the 
Septennate bill," said Dr. Windthorst, 'was independent of the merits 
of the measure, and arose from reasons of expediency and from 
political considerations.' It would be difficult to frame a more 
accurate analysis of the Papal motives while at the same time indi- 
cating a more sweeping denunciation of the Papal policy. Liberal 
principles, the right of popular government, the German constitution 
and its guarantee of Parliamentary institutions, says the Pope, may 
go to the dogs if we can secure some further modification of the laws 
which relate to the Church, and so improve the condition of the 
Papacy in Germany." 

The New York Times' dire prophecy came true, as the First and 
Second World Wars sadly testify. Pope Leo's Kill's command to 
the Catholic Center party in 1887 to aid militarism in Germany was 
a contributing factor to the First World War. Again in 1933, when 
the Vatican removed the Catholic Center party as the only remain- 
ing obstacle to Hitler's rise to power, the Second World War began. 

How true it is that a strong militarist Germany is essential to the 
Vatican policy can be seen in the late Kaiser Wilhelm's Memoirs, 
where be tells that on his visit to Pope Leo XIII, the latter insisted 
that "Germany must become the sword of the Catholic Church."* 

(Signed) LEO H. LEHMANN, 



* The Kaiser's Memoirs, by Wilhelm II, translated by Thomas R. Ybarra, 
page 211. Harper & Bros., N. Y.